公募研究　A02　（課題番号：06208204・07205205） 清代後期における海関制度と中国沿海世界の考察 研究代表者：岡本隆司・宮崎大学・教育学部・講師 1.研究項目：A02　環東シナ海地域間交流史 2.研究課題名：清代後期における海関制度と中国沿海世界の考察（課題番号：06208204・07205205） 3.研究期間：平成６・７年度（1994〜1995） 4.交付研究費：平成６年度　1,100千円 　　　　　　　平成７年度 1,100千円　　合計 2,200千円 5.研究組織（氏名：所属機関・部局・職） 　（研究代表者）岡本隆司：宮崎大学・教育学部・講師 6.研究目的 　明清時代の海外貿易については、中国史のみならず日本史の領域からも、膨大な研究が蓄積されてきた。その動きはもちろん現在も進行中であるが、往々にして中国とある特定の相手国との二国間の貿易内容を、個別に追求してきた傾向がみうけられる。それによって個々の貿易関係は、具体的に解明されつつあるものの、それらが構成した中国の沿海交易の全体像は、十分な把握に到達したとはいいがたい。その一因としては、たとえば日本・琉球などの側では、それぞれの国の史料が利用できることもあって、研究が相当にすすんでいるのに対し、中国の側の研究が史料の発掘や蓄積もふくめ、たちおくれている点があげられる。それはまた、中国の側からみようとすれば、いきおい個別の国・地域にとどまらず、対外関係を総体として検討する、という膨大な作業が要求されるからである。そうした作業は、なお緒に就いたばかりであるといって過言でなく、いまのところアプローチの足がかりをどこにみいだすかが、検討されている段階にある。もっとも史料に頻出する冊封、朝貢、回賜など、公的な朝貢関係の側面に関しては、かなりの検討がすすめられ、一定の枠組・構想も提起されてはきた。けれどもその背後にあったはずの民間交易については、そうした枠組・構想を裏づける、もしくは批判する実証的な研究は、なおかならずしも十分には行なわれていない。 　筆者は以上のような認識のもと、中国各港における貿易取引の具体的な内容から、明清時代どのような体制のもとで、東シナ海の民間交易が行なわれていたか、を解明することを課題に掲げた。なかんずく注目したのは、そこでの清代の中国側の貿易管理体制である。これを手がかりとして、重点領域研究「沖縄の歴史情報研究」の主たる研究対象たる琉球を中心に、中国の対外関係のありかたを全体的にえがきだそうというのが、本研究でめざす目的となる。 6.研究経過と研究成果の概要 　清代中国において海外貿易の管理にあたったのが、いずれの港も海関という機関であったのは、周知のとおりである。筆者はその管理のしくみをときあかすため、まず史料も研究も比較的豊富な清末の広東を題材として、研究に着手した。それを通じて得られた成果が、 岡本隆司「清末粤海関の展開−広州における洋関設立の意味−」（『史林』第77巻第6号、p.1〜p.31、平成6年11月） である。ここで明らかになったのは、海外貿易の管理においては、貿易港の海関に属した仲買商人の役割がきわめて大きい、という事実である。この研究成果から、かれらの存在が、官庁レベルでの体制と多様な交易とを、矛盾なく接続する媒介項となっており、清代中国の民間交易を秩序づけたものと考えるにいたった。そこからさらに浮かびあがった問題は、まずそうしたしくみがどのようにして形成されたか、その運用の実態はいかなるものであったか、そしてそれが19世紀、西洋資本主義の進出によってどのように変容してゆくのか、という三点にまとめられる。それぞれについて研究にとりくみ、えられた具体的な所見は、以下の研究成果で論じるところである（なお研究期間中の筆者の研究成果のリストは、第１部15.00の研究業績一覧に収録されているので、ここではその主要なものだけとりあげる）。 岡本隆司「從市舶司到海關−明清易姓與海外貿易制度之演變−」（中國海關史第三次國際學術研討會（香港中文大學）、1995年5月3日〜6日） 岡本隆司「広東洋行考−洋行に関する新旧史料を通じて−」（『東洋史研究』第54巻第2号、p.165〜p.201、平成7年9月） 岡本隆司「開港と朝貢のあいだ−五港開港時代の福州を中心に−」（『宮崎大学教育学部紀要（社会科学）』第81号、p.1〜p.24、平成8年9月） 　本研究は重点領域研究「沖縄の歴史情報研究」の公募研究として、その一部をなすものであり、そこでの目的の一つが史料の収集・整理、およびその情報化であったことから、上のような研究成果を公にするかたわら、そこでの筆者の見解をかたちづくったところの主要史料の情報化にも従事した。それは別途に収録・公開されるはずであるから、ここではおおむね省略にしたがう。とはいえそれらは、研究期間中に筆者が収集した史料のうち、関係のふかいごく一部のものにすぎず、かつ断片的なものばかりなので、そのままでは相互の連関に乏しい。なぜこれらを選択したのか、そしてこれらがどのような意味をもつのか、あらかじめ簡単な説明をくわえておく必要がある。そこで、上の研究成果で論じた明清時代の海外貿易体制の歴史とあわせて、別途収録史料（以下「資料」と略称）の概略を紹介することとしたい。 　「資料」はまず時期・言語などによって、大きく五つに分類し、以下のようにローマ数字を付した。 T　明代資料 Uｰ１　明末琉球資料 Uｰ２　清初琉球資料 V　清代琉球資料 W　英文資料 X　清末福州資料 それぞれに収録した原文の一件一件に、【1】のように番号をふったので、これらに準拠して紹介・説明する。その書誌も必要に応じて適宜言及するが、くわしいデータは、「資料」の末尾に「出典・註記一覧」をつけてあるので、それを参照されたい。 　周知のように明代においては、中国人の出海を禁じた海禁政策、そして明朝に服属した外国からの朝貢を通じてしか貿易を認めない貿易政策が施行され、両者あいまって明代特有の朝貢貿易体制が形成された。「資料」のTはごく概略であるが、その内容と推移をたどってみたものである。この朝貢貿易体制の理念的な裏づけをなすのは、明朝の対外的イデオロギーであり、明の太祖が端的に「華夷之分」と表現したものである。『明太祖實録』から引いた【1】【2】がその代表的事例である。 　問題はこの理念と貿易との関係がいかに推移したのかにある。明代も中期になると、いわゆる倭寇の横行とポルトガルの来航によって、明朝の朝貢貿易体制がくずれはじめる。すなわち貿易の実態と制度の乖離、具体的にいいかえるなら、実態として三種の貿易がすでに存在したにもかかわらず、明朝政府は公式にはあくまで朝貢によるものしか認めない、という状況が生じたのであった。三種の貿易とは、従前からの朝貢、浙江・福建方面に対する倭寇、広東方面へのポルトガルおよび南洋諸国の来航であり、鄭若曾の【3】の一文がそれを明快に整理、説明してくれる。なぜそうなったかといえば、【4】〜【9】からその一端がうかがえるように、現地当局は中央の意向に掣肘され、それぞれに異なったかたちで対処せざるをえず、その対応がはなはだ一貫性を欠くものだったからである。たとえば倭寇に手を焼いた明朝は、隆慶年間に入って、ようやく海禁を解く。それは現在の廈門の近くに海澄県を設置し、そこからにかぎって中国人の出海を認め、それに対し徴税・取締を行なうというものであった。これは『東西洋考』より抜粋した【10】【11】からわかるように、純然たる朝貢貿易とも、広東方面の南洋・西洋の来航貿易とも異なったものと位置づけられる。こうして太祖のいう「華夷之分」に裏づけられた朝貢貿易体制は、事実上破綻した。たとえば同時代の唐枢も【12】【13】で、これを「華夷同体」と表現し、その現状をつとに認識していた。しかしながら明朝が、その理念を放棄することはついになかった。名実ともに並立した三つの貿易形態を一貫した体制、統一的な制度でもって把握しなおそうという動機や意欲は、最後までもたれなかったのである。こうした貿易の実態と体制の乖離は、清朝になって解決をみることになる。いな、むしろそれを解決すべく清朝が登場したともうけとれる。【14】でとりあげた清人による明代の海外貿易の観察は、不十分ながらもそれをうかがわしめるものである。 　以上のような明末中国の貿易体制の動揺に乗じて、なるべくみずからの貿易を拡大させようとしたのが琉球であった。あるいは福建の海禁解除に乗じ、あるいは広東の来航貿易の例を援用し、執拗に福州における貿易拡大の要求をくりかえす。その詳細な推移は、ほぼ『歴代寳案』でたどることができ、その関係史料を収録したのが「資料」のUである。そのうちU-１は明末をあつかったもので、【1】〜【12】にみえる琉球と明朝側の交渉の過程から、Tで概観した貿易の実態と明朝の姿勢が、具体的に確認されよう。こうしたねばりづよい交渉と、北京政府の倒壊という局面の急転により、南明にいたってついに生糸貿易が公認される。ところでその間に問題となったのは、中国側の商人をどのようにとりしまるかであり、かれらのうち一定数を体制内にくみこんで、公式に貿易をまかせるかたわら、貿易に対する取締・徴税をもゆだねる、という方法が採用される。そのいきさつは【13】〜【18】でわかる。この方式は後述するように、朝貢貿易をふくむ海外貿易においては、清代に海関が設置され、そこではじめて一般的な機構となったものである。この明末の琉球の事例は、いわばその先駆的な意味を有するものであった。 　清朝が中国に君臨すると、いうまでもなく琉球もその朝貢国となるが、そのさい清朝とあらためて貿易関係をとりむすばねばならなかった。その具体例として、U-２にふたたび『歴代寳案』から史料を抜粋した。折しも清朝は、鄭氏の海上勢力に対抗するため、海禁を励行したこともあり、朝貢貿易についてもきびしい態度をとっていた。琉球はそれに対し、【20】〜【23】にみえるような明末からの既得権益の確保、【23】〜【25】のような他の朝貢国に劣らない待遇など、その要求を一つずつ認めさせてゆく。そこで「華夷之分」に依拠した明末当局の言とは対蹠的に、しばしば「華夷一家」のスローガンが掲げられているのは注目してよい。清朝の側も琉球の要求には、かなり柔軟に対応したありさまがうかがわれる。 　清朝が海禁を布いていたあいだ、もちろん中国の海外貿易がすべて途絶したわけではない。それをあえて整理するなら、清朝への朝貢にともなう貿易、台湾の鄭氏と福建の靖南藩を通じての中国人の出海貿易、ポルトガル船によるマカオを通じての来航貿易の三種に分けられる。これはけっきょく明末の状況とほぼ同じで、それが形を変えて継続していたわけである。康熈22年（1683）に鄭氏が降伏すると、その翌年、清朝は海禁を撤廃して、中国人の出海貿易を公認し、これに徴税と取締をくわえるため海関を設置する。これは明末の海澄縣設置にともなう海禁解除に比すべきものであるが、清朝の場合は、この措置だけにとどまらなかった。まもなく海関は来航貿易をも朝貢貿易をもその管轄下に置き、海外貿易に対する管理機関は海関に一本化された。海関はもともと中国船の出海と来航をとりしまり、それに課税する機関であったが、朝貢貿易に対しては、ほんらい課税すべきものを免税にするという手続をもって、とくにほかの貿易形態と区別し、朝貢国の恭順の意にこたえたわけである。その清朝側の事情は、『歴代寳案』に収めるところでは、【26】【27】の史料から詳細がわかる。かくして明代以来、あい並立した三種の貿易形態は、矛盾なく統合的に把握されることとなり、明朝とは異なる清朝の朝貢体制が形成されたのであった。この間の具体的な経緯も、【28】〜【32】にみえる琉球の事例によって、もっともよく明らかにできる。 　以上はさきに掲げた研究成果、「從市舶司到海關」の論旨とほとんど重複している。けれどもこれは口頭発表であって、いまなお活字化されていないため、ややくわしく述べた次第である。 　こうして安定するにいたった清朝の対外貿易であるが、実際に徴税・取締をになったのは、海関の管理のもとで取引に従事する仲買商人たちであった。これは広東のヨーロッパ貿易がとくに有名であり、また利用できる史料も多いので、筆者もそのしくみを明らかにしてきた。そのため清末については、かなりわかってきたけれども、さらにこれを足がかりに、清代まで時代をさかのぼらせて、仲買商人たちのありようを分析する必要もでてくる。研究成果の「広東洋行考」も、そうした作業の一環である。そこで新出史料のごく一部を紹介したが、中国社会科学院所蔵のものであるため、情報化は手控えた。いっそう十分なかたちでの紹介と分析は、別の機会にゆずりたい。 　この作業を通じてかなり確信をもったのは、規模や内容に若干の差異はあっても、原理としては、沿岸の海港ではいずれも、広東と同じかたちで貿易の管理が運営されており、福州における琉球の朝貢貿易も、その例外ではないという仮説である。ただ琉球と清朝の関係がすこぶる安定していたためか、あるいは両者の貿易があまりに日常的で、かつまた慣例化していたためか、福州について、そうしたしくみをたちいってしめしてくれる史料は、とりわけ清朝の側できわめて少ない。「資料」のVでそれにかかわる若干のものを紹介するけれども、はなはだ不十分なのはいなめない。 　これをおぎなってくれるのが、19世紀にはいってからのイギリスの史料であり、それを収録したのが、「資料」のWである。かれらは広東に代表される清朝の貿易体制を、みずからの通商拡大に対する最大の障害とみなしたから、中国沿岸の貿易がどのように組織されていたかについても、貴重な記述を残している。もちろん広東および上海に関するものが、その大多数を占めるものの、中国沿岸全体に言及した【1】は、短文ながらすこぶる参考に値するし、琉球およびその朝貢貿易の場たる福州にも、言及が少なくない。南京条約直後、福州に駐在した領事オルコックらの調査報告の【2】〜【5】、1850年代はじめのシンクレアらの報告の【6】〜【9】がそれにあたる。これらが記すところによって、琉球の貿易をふくめ福州の交易も、広東とほとんど同様の体制で行なわれていたという、ここまで述べてきた仮説があらためて確認できよう。 　イギリスが福州に関心を有したのは、何よりも自国への茶輸出のためであり、さればこそアヘン戦争ののち、清朝のつよい反対をおしきってまで、茶産地を近くにひかえた福州を開港させたのである。しかしその思惑に反し、1850年代まで福州でのイギリス貿易は発展しなかった。Wに収録した史料のほとんどに共通する琉球と福州への注目は、その原因と対策をさぐろうという動機に由来したものである。いっぽう清朝側は、条約締結以前の態度をくずそうとはしなかった。Xにおさめた西洋諸国への清朝側の対応に関する若干の史料のうち、【1】〜【4】はそれを具体的にしめすものである。 　ところが50年代のなかばになって、ようやく福州の茶輸出が開始されるや、上海をしのがんばかりの急速な発展をとげる。そうした事態になって清朝側は、かつて広東で行なわれたのと同じ貿易体制を適用しようとした。それは、Wの【10】【11】にあるイギリス側の報告、これに対応するXの【5】にある清朝側の史料のしめすとおりであるが、周知のようにほとんど効果をあがらなかった。それならなぜ、このように福州の西洋貿易は50年代のはじめまで発展せず、50年代のある時期に突如急速に発展したのか、そして従来の方法ではその管理が不可能であったのだろうか。これらの原因を福州の貿易構造との関連から明らかにする必要が生じてくる。こうした問題をとりあげたのが、研究成果の「開港と朝貢のあいだ」である。そしてその根本的な動因は、福州のみならず広東・上海をふくめ、清朝の貿易体制の根幹をなした中国沿岸各港の仲買商人の動向と組織化にあることが判明した。 　以上のように、明清時代の海外貿易、ひいては対外関係のありかたを、その制度面からとらえようとした試みは、ひとまず一定のかたちを成したと考える。けれども細部にいたっては、なおまったく不明な点が多々残されており、本研究においては、きわめて大掴みな素描に終始せざるをえなかった。したがって二年間の研究活動において、本研究がめざす最終的な目的は十全に達成できたわけではなく、ようやくその端緒をみいだしたばかりだといって過言ではない。今後はこの成果のうえにたって、所期の目的を達成すべく、さらに問題をふかめつつ、研究を発展させてゆくこととしたい。 凡例 ・漢文・中国語の引用は、原則として旧字体を用いた。ただし印刷の都合もあり、新字体および通用字の使用は、これを妨げなかった。 ・漢文での割註、書き込みの類は、［　］で括り、それを明らかにした。 ・（　）は筆者による注記、〔　〕は筆者による挿入、……は筆者による省略をしめす。 ・〔→　〕はテキストの残欠の補充および字句の訂正で、疑義の残るものは、それにくわえて？を付した。すでに校訂を経たものに従ったところもあれば、筆者みずからの見解によるものもある。 ・〔→衍字〕はまさに削除すべき字である。 ・●は判読が不可能であった字をしめす。 ・英文での[　]は、筆者による注記である。 ・[？？]は、筆者が判読不能であった語をしめす。なお統計中の数値の末尾に?を付したものは、一部の数字しか判読できず、さしあたり想定できる概数をしめしておいたものである。 T　明代資料 【1】　是月、遣莱州府同知趙秩持詔諭日本國王良懷曰、……粤自古昔帝王居中國而治四夷、……嗚呼、朕爲中國主、此皆天造地設華夷之分。 【2】　……後詔禮部、符下氏久（志布志島津越後守臣氏久）曰、夷狄奉中國、禮之常經、以小事大、古今一理。…… 【3】　予按、今之禦寇者、一則曰、市舶當開。一則曰、市舶不當開。愚以爲、皆非也。何也、貢舶與市舶一事也、分而言之、則非矣。市舶與商舶二事也、合而言之、則非矣。商舶與寇舶初本二事、中變爲一、今復分爲二事、混而言之、亦非矣。 　何言乎一也、凡外夷貢者、我朝皆設市舶司以領之。在廣東者、專爲占城・暹羅諸番而設。在福建者、專爲琉球而設。在浙江者、專爲日本而設。其來也、許帶方物、官設牙行、與民貿易、謂之互市(1)。是有貢舶、即有互市。非入貢、則不許其互市、明矣。……若單言市舶當開、而不論其是期・非期、是貢・非貢、則釐貢與互市爲二也、不必俟貢而常可以來互市矣。紊祖宗之典章、可乎哉。 　何言乎二也、貢舶者、王法之所許、市舶之所司、乃貿易之公也。海商者、王法之所不許、市舶之所不經、乃貿易之私也。日本原無商舶、商舶乃西洋原貢諸夷、載貨舶〔→泊？〕廣東之私澳官税而貿易之。既而欲避抽税・省陸運、福人導之、改泊海滄・月港、浙人又導之、改泊雙嶼、……可與貢舶相混乎。 　何言乎二而一一而二也、……此固無待於市舶之開、而其互市未嘗不行者也。……故不知者、謂倭患之起、由市舶之不開、市舶不開、由於入貢不許、許其入貢、通其市舶、中外得利、寇志泯矣。其知者、哂之以爲不然。夫貢者夷王之所遣、有定期・有金葉、勘合・表文爲驗。使其來也以時、其驗也無偽、我國家未嘗不許也。貢未嘗不許、則市舶未嘗不通。何開之有。使其來無定時、驗無左證、乃假入貢之名、爲入寇之計、雖欲許得乎。貢既不可許、市舶獨可開乎。…… 【4】　嘉靖元年。王源義植無道、國人不服、諸道爭貢、大内藝興遣僧宗設、細川高遣僧瑞佐及素卿、先後至寧波。故事凡番貢至者、閲貨・宴席、並以先後爲序。時瑞佐後至、素卿奸狡通市舶太監、饋寶賄萬計、太監令先閲瑞佐貨、宴又令坐宗設上。宗設席間、與瑞佐忿爭、相讐殺、太監又以素卿故陰助佐、授之兵器、殺總督備倭都指揮劉錦、大掠寧波旁海郷鎮。素卿坐叛論死、宗設・瑞佐皆釋還。給事中夏言上言、禍起於市舶。禮部遂請罷市舶。而不知所當罷者、市舶太監、非市舶也。夷中百貨、皆中國不可缺者。夷必欲售、中國必欲得之。以故祖訓雖絶日本、而三市舶司不廢。市舶初設在太倉黄渡、尋以近京師、改設於福建・浙江・廣東。七年罷、未幾復設。蓋東夷有馬市、西夷有茶市、江南海夷有市舶。所以通華夷之情、遷有無之貨、收徴税之利、減戍守之費。又以禁海賈・抑奸商、使利權在上、罷市舶、而利孔在下。奸豪外交内〓、海上無寧日矣。 【5】　嘉靖二年、日本使宗設・宋素卿分道入貢、互争真僞。市舶中官頼恩納素卿賄、右素卿、宗設遂大掠寧波。給事中夏言言、倭患起於市舶。市舶既罷、日本海賈、往來自如、海上姦豪、與之交通、法禁無所施、轉爲寇賊。 【6】　兵科給事中夏言等言、頃倭夷入貢、肆行叛逆、地方各官、先事不能防禦、臨變不能剿捕。而前後章奏、言辭多遁、功罪未明。該部按據來文、遷就議擬、雖云行勘、亦主故常、乞勅風力近臣、重行覆勘、且寧波係倭夷入貢之路、法制具存、尚且敗事。其諸沿海備倭衙門、廢弛可知。宜今所遣官、由山東循維揚、歴浙L4、以極於廣、會同巡撫、逐一按視、預爲區劃。其倭夷應否通貢絶約事宜、乞下廷臣集議、得旨、差風力給事中一員往、其餘事宜、兵部議處以聞。乃給事中劉穆、往按其事。 【7】　兵部尚書鄭曉云、洪武初設市舶於太倉、名黄渡市舶司、尋以近京師罷、改設于福建・浙江・廣東。七年九月又罷、未幾復設。蓋東夷有馬市、西夷有茶市、江南海夷有市舶。所以通華夷之情、遷有無之貨、收征税之利、減戍守之費。又以禁海賈而抑奸商也(1)。市舶不復、利歸豪強、而國家坐受其害。若慮各夷并至市舶司、難于防閑。…… 　予按、倭國服飾・器用、多資于中國、有不容一日缺者。安能待十年一貢之期、而限以三船所載之數哉。若禁其貿易、則入寇刧奪、一定之勢也。……出海者、關口盤詰、勿容夾帶焔硝之類、載貨入港者、官爲抽税、以充軍需、豈不華夷兩利而海烽晏如也哉。此之謂以不治治之也。見今廣東市舶司處西洋人用此法。若許東洋島夷、亦至廣東互市、恐無不可。 【8】　歳甲寅（嘉靖33年）、佛郎機國夷船、來泊廣東海上、比有周鸞、號稱客綱、乃與番夷冒他國名、誑報海道照例抽分、副使汪柏、故許通市。而周鸞等毎以小舟誘引番夷、同装番貨、市于廣東城下、亦嘗入城貿易。 【9】　廣屬香山、爲海舶出入咽喉。毎一舶至、常持萬金、并海外珍異諸物、多有至數萬者。先報本縣、申達藩司、令舶提擧同縣官盤驗、各有長例。而額外隱漏、所得不貲、其報官納税者、不過十之二三而已。繼而三十六行領銀、提擧悉十而取一、蓋安坐而得、無簿書刑杖之勞。 【10】　隆慶六年、郡守羅青霄、以、所部雕耗、一切官府所需倚辧、里三老良苦。於是議徴商税以及賈舶。萬暦三年中丞劉尭誨請税舶以充兵餉，歳額六千。同知沈植條海禁便宜十七事、著爲令。于時商引倶海防官管給、毎引徴税有差、名曰引税。……其徴税之規、有水餉・有陸餉・有加増餉。水餉者、以船廣狹爲準。其餉出於船商。陸餉者、以貨多寡、計値徴輸。其餉出於舗商、又慮間有藏匿、禁船商無先起貨、以舗商接買貨物、應税之數、給號票、令就船完餉、而後聽其轉運焉。……二十七年、上大〓天下關税、中貴人高〓銜命入L4、山海之輸、半蒐羅以進内府、而舶税歸内監委官徴收矣。 【11】　國初又有提督市舶、内官莅L4、……然市舶之設、是主貢夷及夷商來市者、與今2L税不同。 【12】　主事唐樞云、備倭之法、防海之禁、斤斤明于國初。然寇未嘗絶、何也。夷夏有無之互以通也。 【13】　華夷同體、有無相通、實理勢之所必然。中國與夷、各擅土産、故貿易難絶。利之所在、人必趨之。本朝立法、許其貢而禁其爲市。夫貢必持貨與市兼行、蓋非所以絶之。 【14】　至嘉靖二年、而有宗設之事。……給事中夏言奏、禍起於市舶。禮部遂請罷市舶(1)。市舶既廢、番舶無所容。……當倭亂之時、因夏言疏、罷市舶、而不知所當罷者、市舶内臣、非市舶也(2)。……此皆言市舶之必不可罷也、然猶未揆其本末而論之。夫浙江市舶、專爲日本而設。其來時、許帶方物、官設牙Z6、與民貿易、謂之互市。是有貢舶、即有互市。非入貢、則不許其互市、明矣(3)。貢即不許十年、則必十年一至、而後可謂之貢。今止言市舶當開、不論其是期非期、是貢非貢。是釐貢與互市爲二也、將不必俟貢而常可以互市矣。此政前日之所以招亂者也、可乎哉。……此無待於市舶之開、而其互市未嘗不通者也。……故不知者、謂倭患之起、由市舶之罷、而其實不然。夫貢者夷王之所遣、有定期・有金葉、勘合・表文爲驗。使其來也以時、其驗也無偽、中國未嘗不許也。貢未嘗不許、則市舶未嘗不通。何開之有。使其來無定時、驗無左證、乃假入貢之名、爲入寇之計、雖欲許得乎。貢既不可許、市舶獨可得而開哉(4)。…… 　臣愚故以、明之貽患、不在於私販之有無、而在通貢之一失。明太祖既誤之於前、成祖復甚之於後。然貢既已絶、而猶欲禁商、使不得行、是何異懲羹而吹齏、有見其患而無見其利也。國家初患海〓未平、撤界而守、禁及採捕。康熈二十三年克臺灣、各省督撫臣先後上言、宜弛航海之禁、以IF民力。於是詔許出洋、官收其税、民情踴躍争奮、自近洋諸島國、以及日本諸道、無所不至。四〓關之設、異於市舶之設、上操其利權、譏其貨物、而下不得以爲纎芥之害。 U-１　明末琉球資料 【1】　大常寺少卿夏（夏子陽）・光禄寺寺丞王（王士禎）、爲俯恤夷情、懇賜題請、議處通商、以需國用、以濟諸艱事。 　萬暦參拾伍年拾月内、據琉球國差來謝恩陪臣王舅毛鳳儀・大夫鄭道・阮國・都通事毛國鼎等呈送中山王咨文、稱爲前事、内稱、切以、聖人御極、莅中國而撫四夷、開東西二洋、興販充餉、以足邊費。琉球亦在屬國、而貿易不通、致使國痩民貧。琉球舊自開國之初、欽蒙聖祖恩撥參拾陸姓、入琉幹〔→球？〕國、稽査舊例、原有興販朝鮮・交址・暹邏・柬埔寨、縁是卑國陸續得依資藉。迄今參拾陸姓、世久人湮、夷酋不諳指南車路。是以斷販各港、計今陸拾多年、毫無利入、日鑠月銷、貧而若洗。況又地窄人希、賦税所入、略償所出。如期〔→斯〕匱窘、若不懇乞議處、則國本日虚、民間日〓。幸逢天使案〔→安〕臨頒封、正當懇乞議處、使資富庶、理合懇乞題請、通行兩院、給引商販、毎年定以壹貳隻船爲率、例比東洋充餉、或船隻往來卑國詳査號引、給以勘合印信、照回査號。儻無回文印信、則是私通別港情弊、等因、前來、據此。 　査得、貴國給引通商、原無舊例、即聖祖國初賜有參拾陸姓、亦爲該國入貢航海、風涛G8測、彼參拾陸姓者、能習知操舟、以爲導引耳。豈爲興販而設耶。夫貴國素爲貧瘠、既無物産可通貿易、又無資財可備積儲。其所患者、雖在於貧、而其所恃以爲安者、亦在於貧。若浮慕富國、議欲通商、託名往來。貴國陰實與倭夷爲市、非但〓禁長奸、將來遺中國之憂。竊恐、爭奪啓釁、殺掠隨之、所謂延寇入室、亦非貴國所爲□〔→釁〕保之計耳。豈惟失利害莫大焉。本寺等前在貴國時、適倭舶亦來貿易。本寺等最〔→嚴〕示禁絶、不許一人與倭夷交易者、正有見於此也。貴國豈可知有利而不知有害、急目前不顧後患耶。通商之議、斷不可開、即貴國前此進貢船回夷官往往夾帶奸□〔→徒〕潜販日本藉口、於飄風者、亦不可不査□〔→究〕而申嚴之也。合行咨覆、煩爲査照施行。須至咨者。右咨琉球國中山王。萬暦參拾五年拾貳月十九日。 【2】　福建等處承宣布政使司、爲進貢夷船入港事。 　准照崇禎八年拾月初肆日軍門都御史沈（沈猶龍）案驗、准禮部咨、主客清吏司案呈、奉本部送禮科抄出本部題覆、巡撫福建地方都察院右僉都御史沈題前事、内稱、……再照、琉球三年一貢、既立之期、即夷船・夷官・夷伴、各有定數、不拒來享來王之誠、仍存内夏外夷之限。乃夷利漢市、立名多端、頻往頻來、煩乃成褻。臣舊年到L4、夷以謝封至。未幾而探問一至、修貢一至、至必盤詰而後、棲挿之約束之。夷所最貪、惟□〔→市〕□〔→湖〕絲。於是通事姦牙、廣營轉售、師〔→即〕官爲之□〔→監〕、以杜觴濫、勿能絶也。……、等因、崇禎八年七月初六日、奉聖旨、……、欽此、欽遵抄出到部、該臣等照得、……、等因、崇禎八年八月初八日、本部尚書兼翰林院学士加一級黄（黄士俊）等具題、初十日奉聖旨、貢期不得借名、貢物船人不得逾例。即着該撫按、再行申飭、該國務遵旨恪順、毋令通事姦牙、生端煽引、欽此、欽遵抄出案呈到部、……須至咨者。右咨琉球國。進貢夷船入港事。崇禎九年四月二十二日行。 【3】　琉球國中山王府三法司馬勝連・毛泰運・呉呈瑞、爲懇天柔遠事。 　……崇禎七年航海梯山頻朝遣二船、謝封進貢。兩致附挾商資、明無隱伏、聽憑官諭、妥定交關。S3彼地奸、巧彌術陥、故將夷直蠢□〔→蹈〕危機、詭索王銀四千九百九十八兩零。先誑去訖、空〓湖絲四千五百九十四斤零。後準償還、至期躱閃、致誤歸程、事竣蚤廻、無例久8P、……懇乞査究考叩在驛守催夷人指認得銀人等真正姓名三十一人名、後開各名下登定負銀多寡、伏望嚴拘正犯追給招審定罪、庶頑民知警遠人沾恩。爲此□〔→發〕遣通事官馳遞具申。須至申者。計開、林泰、銀七百二十一兩二錢伍分、該絲六百六十三斤。何六、銀伍百二十兩正、該絲四百七十八斤。……右申福建福州府青天爺爺。崇禎九年十月　日。 【4】　福建等處承宣布政使司、爲遵旨看議具奏事。 　奉軍門都御史沈（沈猶龍）憲牌、准禮部咨、該本部題、主客清吏司案呈、奉本部送禮科抄出本部題覆、福建巡撫沈會同巡按張題進貢事、内稱、琉球貢使、貿易白絲、或准其現在、絶其將來、飭行彼國、此後貢年、自布帛器用外、不許市及白絲、永垂爲令、縁由、具題、奉聖旨、該部看議具奏、欽此、欽遵抄出到部、送司案呈到部。 　該臣等看得、琉球入貢、貿易L4地、所從來久矣。率皆微賎之物、未聞有市及干絲IC者。曩者、中山王尚豐曾有乞買湖絲之咨。該撫按慎重其事、業已具疏上聞、勅部具覆、該本部議覆、奉有白絲當禁之明旨、此在拾年伍月通行申飭、法當嚴禁。豈意、奸牙射利、煽惑夷使、勾引絲商、遂以白絲與夷貿易。此在嚴旨之前、今業獲牙商、各究其罪、夷所市絲、按法當没。但念其遐荒、姑從寛政、欲没其絲、而償其價、則貴易之物、更難復售、流商星散、亦無從追、若令夷使待斃中土、亦非安内攘外之策。……況聞禁稍遲、此與故犯者有異、或如該撫按會疏題請、准其現在、絶其將來、恭候嚴旨、再行申飭、彼國以後該貢之年、自布帛器用外、不許市買白絲及違禁之物、永著爲令、……崇禎拾壹年參月初七日、禮部署部事左侍郎兼翰林院侍讀学士顧（顧錫疇）等具題、初拾日奉聖旨、是。凡該國應貢之年、着遵前旨申禁、不許再違、永著爲令、欽此、欽遵抄出到部、送司案呈到部。……以昭恭順、……須至咨者。右咨琉球國。遵旨看議具奏事。崇禎拾壹年伍月初拾日。 【5】　福建等處承宣布政使司、爲進貢事。 　崇禎拾年肆月内、奉巡撫福建都御史沈（沈猶龍）批、該本司呈、准琉球國咨稱、茲當欽奉新旨、三年兩貢、欣逢届期、……前來修貢、分駕海船各一隻、大船遵法帶銀壹萬壹千兩、小船只帶銀九千兩、共成貳萬壹千兩、來L4買貨、以滋國用、……、等因、准此。隨該本司署司事參議呉看得、夷使進貢、帶銀買絲、原非典制、奉有憲牌、輸貢之年、不得過壹萬兩、柔遠之我〔→戒？〕與約束之法、稱兩全矣。今中山王咨稱、大小二船、帶貳萬壹千兩、較之憲禁、已多帶銀壹萬壹千兩。且三年一貢、去來絡繹、相繼不絶、違制濫觴、皆由通事奸牙、射利撥引、漸不可長誠宣諭、止以肅國法、以遵憲禁、等縁由、奉批。朝廷許通貢未言市絲、琉夷以恭順來庭、定守封疆常法。多帶銀兩、皆通事奸牙誘惑所致、仰一面諭、止仍候具題、飭行通牙、生事重懲不貸、此Y2蒙此。…… 　又於崇禎拾年拾月内、爲進貢事、奉巡撫福建都御史沈（沈猶龍）批、……、等因、奉此。該本司看得、琉球素稱恭順、聖朝許其三年兩貢、更加意體恤、凡綢疋布帛器物、皆許通市、惠亦至矣。而明旨獨禁白絲、良有深意也。乃新禁甫頒、遠方未及遽曉、而趨利如OJ之民、業以絲相貿易矣。今日者一遵功令、毋使闌出、似亦無可別説。惟是已散之價、不可復返、諸夷空手帰國……、情亦可憫。或念中山王先有咨請、與專擅者異、諸夷人聞禁稍遲、與故犯者異。姑容今次、厳禁將來。此則出自聖恩、非職所敢輕議也、等縁由、奉批。……又於崇禎拾壹年伍月内、爲遵旨看議具奏事、奉巡撫福建都御史沈憲牌、准禮部咨、……以昭恭順(1)、……、等因。又爲遵旨遣發事、奉巡撫福建都御史沈憲牌、照得、夷人買絲干禁、本院題請、權准現在、永絶將來、頼朝廷寛恤、特准遣發該夷、便當疾速返國矣。國禁是法、權准是仁、而皆主之以信。今原絲壹百七拾擔無恙、而該夷詭稱無絲、是我信而夷詭也。是誰教之。除患誘奸徒、4F緝拿外、備牌行司、照依事理、査照原行、令夷人速發回國、再復觀望播弄、本院必題明狡状、以絶其貢、終不受該夷之詐反、并失信於該夷、等因、奉批。……以後應貢之年、只以布帛・器用、照舊貿易、不得攜帶多資、市買白絲及違禁之物、永著爲令。仍飭行夷官、務要恪遵明禁、以昭恭順。須至咨者。右咨琉球國。崇禎拾壹年伍月二十六日。進貢事。咨。 【6】　琉球國中山王尚豐奏、爲……、效順輸税、再賜議處事。 　……又奉明旨、將絲議禁、敢不欽遵。唯廣東香山6V有例、暹羅・交趾之貢、有互市、有貿絲。其絲價毎兩、納税參分、例可通査、事同一體。夫福建・□□〔→廣東〕、□□□□〔→乃鄰邦咫〕尺、而琉球・暹羅・交趾、乃貢典相1P。粤既開恩、L4獨有禁。……蓋臣國所轄三十六島、願求絲三十多擔、體例毎兩輸税三分、差委正官、驗明收税、雖云須期不下千計、亦少助邊餉之萬一也。不已瀝情於君父之前、懇恩勅部、再賜酌議、俯准照依廣東事例施行、毎遇進貢之年、互市貿絲、照數報税、……自爲字起、至旨字止、四百二十七字、紙一張。右具奏。崇禎十壹年十月二十日、琉球國中山王尚豐謹上奏。 【7】　琉球國中山王尚豐、爲體天柔遠、……事。 　……慨夫民風、駁而日漓、貪利是趨、〓其律令、侈而日肆、置身不顧。許多無藉棍徒、搆夥相從。復有巨奸大蠧、同悪相濟、不安生業、大壞●醇、勾結派黨、蔑國法而若無、營充牙行、攬夷財爲己有、依焔勢豪、開張羽翼、把持官府、展作威風、堪嘆。縉紳士類、實爲此輩、損高標、可傷臺省尊嚴、實爲此輩、傾凛憲、言是言非頻亂耳。……況局騙夷財、官豈厭于追給。爲此備咨行移、願惟申詳擬議、追銀給主、飭法懲奸、……爲此一立案擬合移咨貴司知會、一移咨、煩爲査照施行。爲此移咨福建等處承宣布政使司。須至咨者。計開大船銀兩所欠花名、開具于後、……崇禎十壹年十月二十日。 【8】　琉球國中山王府三法司馬勝連等、爲……事。 　……蹇遇城狐巨悪林泰等、乖遭社鼠大奸何六等、搆夥相從、同悪相濟、勾集派黨、蔑國法而若無、營攅牙行、攬夷財爲己有、設局篭愚、靡不墜套、……遵將等第負銀人等、并實在銀兩星數、連後逐一計開、……爲此具申。須至申者。一立案、一移申福建福州府青天爺。計開欠銀人等逐名、具列于後。此負原銀、係是崇禎七年進貢未廻通事蔡國材、九年五月有册具呈拘追在案可査。……崇禎十壹年十月二十日。 【9】　福建等處承宣布政使司、爲進貢事。 　准琉球國中山王尚（尚豐）咨、……又據紫金正議大夫蔡堅齎貴國咨、爲……、效順輸税、再賜議處事、咨稱、福建・廣東、乃鄰邦咫尺、而琉球・暹羅・交趾、乃貢典相1P。照依廣東香山澳進貢市絲抽課、□〔→願〕惟申詳擬議、曲循題請（１）、等因、准此。看得、天朝恤念該國恭順、凡緞疋布帛、不禁平買。至湖絲近經題禁、明旨森嚴、體例納課之説、未便議詳上請。……須至咨者。右咨琉球國。崇禎拾貳年肆月二十二日。進貢事。咨。 【10】　禮部、爲遵旨看議具奏事。 　該本部題、主客清吏司案呈、崇禎拾貳年拾貳月拾貳日、奉本部送禮科抄出琉球國中山王尚豐奏、爲……、效順輸税、再賜議處事、内稱、體依廣東事例、輸税貿買白絲、縁由、具奏、奉聖旨、禮部看議速奏、欽此、欽遵抄出到部、送司案呈到部。該本部看得、屬國效順依期入貢、朝廷於賞給之外、許以貿易、用昭懐遠。凡一切違禁而滋他慮者、慎勿許也。案査、白絲禁買、通行申飭、已經奉旨、崇禎拾壹年、福建撫按、因該國貢夷人員、貿買在先、聞禁在後、該撫按念其空手返國之難、流商追價不易、咨部題覆、復奉旨、不許再違、永著爲令。該國恪遵有素、何乃復有此請。即稱納税助餉、煌煌功令、豈愛此錙銖而借爲口實。其暹羅・交趾、原一體申禁、無L4粤之分。相應仍照嚴禁事例遵行、無再議請、可也、等因。崇禎拾參年正月拾九日、本部尚書兼翰林院学士林（林欲〓）等具題。貳拾壱日、奉聖旨、是。即着一體嚴飭遵行、欽此、欽遵抄出到部、送司案呈到部。擬合就行、爲此合咨貴國、煩爲査照本部題奉欽依内事理、以後進貢人員、務須確遵明旨、不許貿買白絲違禁等物、欽遵恪慎施行。須至咨者。右咨琉球國王。崇禎拾參年閏正月初七日、對同都吏薛大勲。遵旨看議具奏事。 【11】　琉球國中山王尚豐、爲俯順藩情、探擇愚言、援例市絲、依規徴税、輸充天帑、以裕邊需事。 　……願唯曲垂咳唾、代行題請允許、進貢來朝、附商絲市〔→市絲〕、就中照依常規、憑官徴科餉課、解輸天帑、堪作間〔→〓〕外防邊、少充三軍、一日箸之需用、答聖慈之無外也。循比廣東香山澳軫恤暹邏貢市絲事例、俯採愚言垂允、申詳擬議題請、不爲〔→但？〕上而有益防邊積儲、而下和窮藩、幾希富強、長繋琉球、壮東隅爲世守也。爲此理合移咨貴國〔→司〕知會、煩爲査照施行。爲此移咨福建等處承宣布政使司。崇禎　年　月　日。 【12】　琉球國中山王世子尚賢謹奏、爲懇恩柔遠施仁、培植弱國、以固蕃疆事。 　臣國土産方物、依期奉貢、未嘗少違、殊覆育之恩、荷教化之澤、因而衣服器用、仰給於天朝、進貢之規、有互市之例、恪遵祖制。禁在硝鐵軍需之物。然而絲IC未有禁也。琉球祈請互市白絲、恭稱納税助餉、俯念蟻誠芹献天朝、豈此繊微、未蒙恩許、敢不遵守。曾奈、小國……今禁白絲、男女驚惶、不能度生。人人困苦、哀哀求臣、琉球則天朝之屬國、人民即朝廷之赤子、不得不報、方敢屡祈。不已瀝情於君父之前、懇恩勅部、再賜酌議、俯准舊例、毎遇進貢之年、互市貿絲、價毎兩輸税參分、照數報税、庶沐朝廷浩蕩之恩波、使臣尚賢小國踴躍於悠久矣。爲此具奏聞、伏候勅旨。自爲字起、至矣字止、三百四字、紙壹張。右具奏。崇禎十七年二月二十八日、琉球國中山王世子尚賢謹奏。 【13】　南京禮部、爲懇恩柔遠施仁、培植弱國、以固封疆事。 　主客清吏司案呈、奉本部〔送〕禮科抄出琉球國中山王世子尚（尚賢）謹奏前事、内開、稱、臣國土産□〔→方〕物、依期奉□〔→貢〕、未嘗□〔→少〕違、殊覆育之恩、荷教化之澤、因而衣服器□〔→用〕、仰給天朝、進貢□〔→之〕規、有互市之例、恪遵□〔→祖〕制。禁在硝鐵軍需之物。然而絲IC未有禁也。琉球祈請互市白絲、恭稱納税助餉、俯念蟻誠芹献天朝、豈此繊微、未蒙恩許、敢不遵守。但小國……今禁白絲、男女驚惶、不能度生。人人困苦哀哀求臣、琉球國天朝之屬國、民人即朝廷之赤子、不得不報、方敢屡祈。不已瀝情於君父之前、懇恩勅部、再賜酌議、俯准舊例、毎遇進貢之年、互市貿絲、價毎兩輸税參分、照數報税、庶沐朝廷浩蕩之恩波、使臣尚小國踴躍於悠久矣、等因。□〔→於〕崇禎十七年拾貳月貳拾參日、奉聖旨、覧□〔→王〕奏。遠貢方物、具見忠盡。請互市准行白絲納税助餉、不許硝T1軍鐵、欽此、欽遵抄出到部。擬合就行、爲此合咨貴院、煩爲察照明旨事理、凡有互市白絲等物、倶着本部差官稽察數目、登簿報部察覈外、所納助餉税銀、轉行布政司、差的當人役、逐貢起解本部、以便題報施行。須至咨者。右咨欽差提督軍務巡撫都察院右僉都御史張（張肯堂）。禮部印。弘光元年貳月初六日、對同史〔→吏〕缺。懇恩柔遠等事。 【14】　南京禮部、爲仰遵祖制、體例定牙、以遵部統、以杜奸殃、以全柔遠事。 　主客清吏司案呈、奉本部送、據琉球國夷使正議大夫金應元等呈稱前事、切、元等本國恭順來朝進貢請封請開互市。奉旨、請准開互市白絲納税助餉、欽遵在案。其互市白絲、但非官牙、無以平市價、兼非熟識通譯諳語、難以交易。元等稔知本地識牙梁迹・鄭玄等十人、身家無過、音語攸知、已經布政司審取、給箚信牌、隨使到京、例應請換部箚、迹等存執、毋致奸棍生歹、7F縁挿入、禍及遠夷、等情。到部據此。除梁迹・鄭玄・曾豊・何益達・鄭碧・王〓・張拱・憑陞・鄭齊・梁英十人遵執外、爲此合行該布政司、察照來文事理、凡有互市交易等物、隨報本部差官登簿、聽在約束、毋得恣肆隨貢到日、4F行倒換施行。須至照會者。右照會福建等處承宣布政使司、准此。禮部印。弘光元年參月初七日、印遵祖制等事。照會。花押。 【15】　今抄隆武皇帝聖旨恩准互市輸税、并題請官牙勅部行司遵照于後。 　行在通政使司左通政帶管布政司事周（周汝GI）、爲謹陳互市輸税、縁由、仰叩聖明鑑納、以便遵行事。 　承准禮部照會、八月初壹日准禮科抄出琉球國陪臣正議大夫臣金應元奏爲前事、臣僻處島中、自高皇帝平定中原、一統華夷、臣國曾以貢T1竭忠、允臣恭順所以文治衣冠得與車書普及、因而世子陪臣之子弟、皆與辟雍絃誦、參百年來沐浴柔遠。臣于舊年體例、請齎聖安皇帝詔書、〓臣蔡錦捧回開讀、忽被參及通事、臣驚惶無地、即具疏于七月初十日、赴通政司投封、未蒙旨下。臣心更加戦慄、何敢涜宸聰。但事關互市請税佐餉、不得不爲皇上陳之。臣于崇禎拾七年冬、進□〔→貢〕方物赴京、齎臣世子尚（尚賢）章疏、内云、臣國參拾餘島、地瘠土荒、別無出産。向頼中華絲縷、以資男女紡織、以易衣食、相沿互市。不擬、崇禎拾年、衙棍苛求費用、不遂所欲、妄呈撫臣沈猶龍議禁。臣國男女一時望絶、束手困若〔→苦〕、哀求世子奏請、崇禎十七年拾貳月貳拾參日、奉聖旨、覧王奏。遠貢方物、具見忠盡。所請互市准行白絲納税助餉、不許硝□〔→T1〕軍鐵、欽此、欽遵随蒙禮部即給咨文、一與臣領回該國、一與臣領投福建撫臣張肯堂。又因臣貿易舊制、設立牙人、如臣廉知良民梁迹・鄭玄等拾名、爲人誠恪、身家無犯。兼諳臣音語。曾經布政司、代臣選取。臣恐更換、亦投禮部行咨、限定梁迹・鄭玄等拾名之外、無許奸棍鑽刺、4F給咨文照會、□〔→移〕行布政司、仍題差官。今陞鴻臚寺少卿臣楊廷瑞伴送交易、核税登簿回奏。臣於歸途履危渉險、風鶴皆兵、差官多方看顧、臣身得有。今日一到L4中、……隨將咨文・照會、欲投布政司、時司篆方議去留、未代臣收。臣思公文不敢擅頓改投禮部察收。今□〔→見〕左通政仍管布政司事、臣周汝GI管事、則臣原投禮部二角咨文照會、部司無有着落。此冬貢船必至、値御駕親征、行在部司、必遵前旨、徴〔→微？〕臣所納毎兩參分税額、楊廷瑞必着官牙梁迹・鄭玄等、爲臣平價互市。若部咨未發、不惟不便楊廷瑞登報、而且不便臣交易。臣之苦衷、又不得不爲先□〔→期〕之奏、伏祈皇上察。臣曾奉前旨、勅下禮部、察臣原投議税咨文・官牙照會公文二角、即發着落、布政司遵守施行、庶臣待冬船到、互市納税、少竭忠悃、以答皇上厚恩。臣之感激更深矣。奉聖旨、是。該部知道、欽此、欽遵抄出到部。擬合就行、爲此照會本司、遵照明旨内事理、即發來琉球、互市□〔→輸〕税、併官牙公文二角察收。附巻外、候冬貢船到日遵行。爲此備由、移咨貴國。請依遵照明旨内事理、煩爲知遵守施行。須至咨者。右咨琉球國中山王世子尚。隆武元年八月貳拾九日。爲謹陳互市等事。咨。 【16】　琉球國中山王世子尚賢、爲蒙皇上覆育、恩許准行互市、白絲納税助餉、潤澤民物事。 　行在通政使司左通政帶管布政司事周（周汝GI）、爲謹陳互市輸税、縁由、仰叩聖明鑑納、以便遵行事。承准禮部照會、八月初一日准禮科抄出琉球國陪臣正議大夫臣金應元奏爲前事、臣僻處島中、自高皇帝平定中原、一統華夷、臣國曾以貢T1竭忠、允臣恭順所以□〔→文〕治衣冠得與車書普及、因而世子陪臣之子弟、皆與辟雍絃誦、參百年來沐浴柔遠。于崇禎十七年冬、進貢方物赴京、齎臣世子尚（尚賢）章疏、内云、臣國參拾餘島、地瘠土荒、別無出産。向頼中華絲縷、以資男女紡織、以易衣食、相沿互市。不凝〔→擬〕、崇禎拾年、衙棍苛求費用、不遂所欲、妄呈撫臣沈猶龍議禁。臣國男女一時望絶、束手困苦、哀求世子奏請、崇禎十七年十二月二十三日、奉旨、覧王奏。遠貢方物、具□〔→見〕忠盡。所請互市准行白絲納税助餉、不許硝T1軍鐵、欽此、欽遵随蒙禮部即給咨文、一與臣領回該國、一與臣領投福建撫臣張（張肯堂）。又因臣貿易舊制、設立牙人、如臣廉知良民梁迹・鄭玄等人、爲人誠恪、身家無犯。況兼諳臣音語。曾經布政司、代臣選取。臣恐更換、亦投禮部行咨、限定梁迹・鄭玄等十名之外、無許奸棍鑽頼〔→刺？〕、4F給咨文照會、移行布政司、仍題差官。今陞鴻臚寺少卿臣楊廷瑞伴送交易、核税登簿回奏。臣于歸途履危渉險、風鶴皆兵、差官多方看顧、臣身得〔有？〕。今日一到L4中、……隨將咨文・照會、欲投布政司、時司篆方議去留、未代臣收。臣思公文不敢擅頓改投禮部察收。今見左通政仍管布政司事臣周管事、則臣原投禮部二角之咨文・照會、部司無有着落。此冬貢船必至、値御駕親征、行在部司、必遵前旨、徴〔→微？〕臣所納毎兩參分税額、楊廷瑞必着官牙〔梁迹・〕鄭玄等、爲臣平價互市。若〔部〕咨未發、不惟不便楊廷瑞登報、而且不便臣交易。臣之若〔→苦〕衷、又不得不爲先期之奏、伏祈皇上察。臣曾奉前旨、勅下禮部、察臣原投議税咨文・官牙照會公文二角、即發着落、布政司衙門遵守施行、庶臣待冬船到、互市〔納〕税、少竭忠悃、以答皇上原〔→厚〕恩。〔臣〕之感激更深矣。奉聖旨、〔是。〕該部知道、欽此、欽遵抄出到部。擬合就行、爲此照會本司、遵照明旨内事理、即發來琉球、互市輸税、并官牙公文二角察收、回咨彼國遵守、等因、承此。前因擬合就行、爲此備由、移咨到國。請依遵照明旨内事理、欽此欽遵、蒙聖天子覆育、深荷恩許進貢之規、有互市之例、毎遇進貢之年、貿絲價毎兩參分、照數報税、庶沐朝廷浩蕩之恩波、使臣賢等小國人民男女踴躍之至、爲此通國人民忻備銀　兩・馬尾　斤前來、留〔→貿〕絲例、有官牙、照數報税、爲此理合移咨貴部知會、煩爲察照施行。須至咨者。右咨禮部。隆武二年　月　日。 U-２　清初琉球資料 【17】　一、東南海外琉球・安南・暹邏・日本諸國附近浙・L4有慕義投誠納款來朝者。地方官即爲奏達、與朝鮮等國一體優待、用普懐柔。……制誥　順治四年二月十二日。 【18】　琉球國中山王世子尚質謹奏、爲懇乞賜發勅印、以勵歸順、勅禁夙弊、以廣懐柔事。……茲更有涜陳者。臣之入貢、本国發船、則以冬春北風、歸國必須夏至前後數日南風。過此則風2E不便、衝險難行、前貢船入L4、隨帶土産銀兩、貿易絲〓布帛等物、明初聴從所便、都無抑勒。8N至晩季、地棍作奸、倚藉郷官、設立都牙、評價各色、音語不通、低昂任意、常用絲綿、指爲禁貨。効順屬國、律以倭奴、吏胥播弄、留難萬端、以致銀貨空於白抽之手、官司縻繋。至於風2E非時、人船不返、自崇禎末年失去數船、淹死官伴數百餘人、言之可爲酸痛。矧今國憲森嚴、輸貢伊始、不揣冒昧、6Q情入告。伏乞、皇上勅禁從前積弊、不許棍徒衙蠹、詐騙阻滯、致失歸期。……爲此具本、令陪臣王舅馬宗毅等齎奏以聞。順治十年二月二十七日、琉球國中山王世子尚質謹上表。 【19】　禮部、爲頒給襲王詔印事。 　主客清吏司案呈、奉本部送禮科抄出、該本部題前事、内開、先該臣部具題、除換給琉球國中山王世子尚質勅印、及附搭土夏布貳百疋、從官兌換絹帛縁由、臣部査例、4F議具題外、所有進到禮物、應交内庫査收、等因、奉聖旨、這琉球國進到禮物、交内庫察收、餘著4F議具奏、欽此欽遵。……又査、除正貢外、附來貨物、官抽壹半、例不給價。又査、舊案内開、琉球附搭土夏布貳百疋、除官抽壹百疋外、壹百疋折給闊生絹貳拾伍疋、各等因、在案。該臣等議得、……至於正貢外附來土夏布貳百疋、査明朝半抽入官、一半折給生絹。琉球係海外遠國、且土夏布貳百疋、又不在正貢數内、念其初歸、所有土夏布貳百疋、免其入官折絹、聽其自行交易、以示皇上柔遠之意、等因、順治拾壹年參月貳拾八日題、肆月初壹日奉聖旨、是、依議、欽此欽遵、抄部送司、案呈到部、擬合就行、爲此合咨貴國、煩爲査照本部題奉聖旨内事理、欽遵施行。須至咨者。右咨琉球國中山王。順治拾壹年陸月十五日。 【20】　琉球國中山王臣尚質謹奏、爲乞循舊典、再申勅諭、以宏解推之仁、以廣懐柔之澤事。 　……伏覩有清會典、凡外彜朝貢、許於會同館開市、或三日或五日、惟朝鮮・琉球、不拘期限。貿易有無、如黄紫皀大花西番蓮緞疋・焔硝・牛角等物、稱爲禁貨、餘悉准其兌換。此誠視華夷如一家、不令其飢寒之困也。順治十年間、臣曾以此事請蒙世祖章皇帝勅下部議。彼時部覆、亦以絲〓布帛、不在禁約之條、准行貿易、欽遵在案。今臣誠慮、日久案塵、官胥屡易、不爲稽考。且因年來海禁森嚴、恐以絲綿、指作禁貨。臣故仰涜聖明、乞宏解推。……康熈七年貳月拾伍日、琉球國中山王臣尚質謹奏。 【21】　禮部、爲乞循會典、恩賜勅諭、以宏解推之仁、以廣懐柔之澤事。禮科抄出、該本部題覆、琉球國中山王世子尚質奏前事、等因、康熈七年貳月拾伍日奏、康熈八年貳月初伍日奉旨、該部議奏、欽此欽遵、於本月初參日到部。該臣等議得、琉球国王尚質疏稱、……、等語。査、順治拾壹年、臣部題覆琉球國王懇乞賜發勅印、以勵歸順、勅禁夙弊、以廣懐柔事一疏、内稱、□〔→并？〕無禁買常用絲綿之例、以後琉球國如有貿易貨物、應照會典定例、除違禁貨物、不准收買外、准〔→唯？〕在會同館、聽其兩平交易、畢即令回還、等因、奉聖旨、琉球遠國、歸化忠誠可嘉。著照例特遣官員、賚捧勅印、前往册封、昭朕柔遠之意、餘依議行、在案。今琉球國王奏請所買湖絲、査凡外國進貢、順帶貨物、止許在會同館、除違禁貨物、不准収買外、聽其兩平交易、並無在沿途貿易之例。嗣後所買之物、照順治拾壹年之例、仍在會同館、除違禁貨物、不准收買外、臣部差官監看貿易。……康熈八年貳月初九日題、本月拾壹日奉旨、依議、欽此欽遵抄出到部。相應移咨、爲此合咨前去、煩爲査照旨内事理、欽遵施行。須至咨者。右咨琉球國王。康熈八年貳月貳拾初八日。咨。 【22】　禮部、爲進貢事。 　主客清吏司案呈、奉本部送禮科抄出、該本部題前事、内開、琉球國王尚質、咨達臣部、内稱、……査照、順治拾壹年、附搭土夏布貳百疋、蒙皇上示柔遠之意、雖免入官折絹、在敝國効順愚誠、舊例實難苟免、懇査照例施行、等因前來。該臣等査得、順治拾壹年、臣部具題、査照明季舊例、琉球國附搭土夏布貳百疋、官抽壹百疋外、壹百疋折給闊生絹貳拾伍疋。琉球係海外遠國、且土夏布貳百疋、又不在正貢數内、念其係初歸之國、應示皇上柔遠之意、所有土夏布貳百疋、免其一半入官、一半折生絹、聽其自行交易、等因、奉聖旨、是、依議行、在案。又査、康熈陸年、琉球國進貢來使、不曾進京、在福建令回。其布政司解到琉球國附搭土夏布貳百疋、臣部具題、俟琉球國再貢到日、4F議貯部庫内。今次進貢又有附搭土夏布貳百疋、此肆百疋夏布、應交付琉球國來使、照順治拾壹年之例、差臣部官員、在會同館監看兩平交易、可也。臣等未敢擅便、謹題請旨、等因、康熈八年貳月初伍日題、本月初七日奉旨、依議、欽此、欽遵抄出到部。相應移咨、爲此合咨前去、煩爲査照施行。須至咨者。右咨琉球國王。康熈八年貳月貳拾八日。咨。 【23】　琉球國中山王世子臣尚貞奏、爲謹陳愚衷、懇天恩鑑、乞循舊章、皇語申飭、布昭推衣之仁、益彰柔遠之澤事。 　……前者、臣父先王、具貿易一疏入告、蒙世祖章皇帝勅部、彼時部覆、除違禁貨物、而湖絲等項、准許貿易。是以、敝國臣民、至今衣食兩全、饑寒斷無。皆出世祖章皇帝、視華彜為一家、視臣民如一體、如饑如傷之念者也。茲康熈陸年部文、内開、凡外國進貢、隨帶貨物者、仍照前旨、如□〔→彼〕□〔→願〕自出夫力帶來京城貿易、聽來貿易、如欲在彼處貿易、着該地方督撫選提督、揀選的當文武官員、監看貿易、等語、欽遵在案。近康熈九年部文、内云、凡外國朝貢、止許在會同館貿易、並無沿途貿易之例、等語。而前貢使呉文顯等、於康熈七年未奉部文之先、在福省柔遠驛、買□〔→貨？〕〔→絲？〕綢紗等物、一概變價、貢船兩艘、載月空歸、敝國人民、殆及號寒。此臣之奇數也。特請者、……現奉聖旨、凡外國朝貢、止許在會同館貿易、並無沿途貿易、煌煌天語、敢不欽遵。但敝國入貢之時、雖有順帶土産、不過粗貨、言之可□、視之可穢、雖有發來□金銀兩至少。所買湖絲、不過三十餘擔、較之別彜、霄壌懸隔。且敝國納貢之道、素由L4省。以道路言之、數千餘里、若使土産粗物、轉運京都、廣〔→縻？〕費夫力、至難莫大焉。若其湖絲等物、只許在會同館貿易、如臣貧國、力不能及、甚非朝鮮美邦之比。況敝國土産等物、原在L4省柔遠驛、兌換湖絲・磁器等項、有例可憑、有案可考。伏思、柔遠驛、蒙天朝殊恩、照舊起蓋、而俾貢使安挿有地。然則非沿途之比、明矣。更有所請者。……懇祈垂恵、勅部再□〔→加〕□〔→酌〕議、転行福省督撫兩院、照循舊例、而湖絲等物、仍在福省柔遠驛、公平交易。……康熈九年十月十三日、琉球國中山王世子臣尚貞謹上奏。 【24】　禮部、爲剖明請循會典買絲之由、乞體康熈七年聽在彼處貿易之旨、懇勅該部詳察定例、申諭督撫、以擴皇仁事。 　禮科抄出、該本部題覆、琉球國中山王世子尚貞奏前事、等因、康熈九年拾月拾參日奏、拾年八月貳拾貳日奉旨、該部議奏、欽此、欽遵於八月貳拾參日到部。該臣等議得、琉球國中山王世子尚貞疏稱、切念、臣國荒辟、凡服食器用、多仰天朝、而官伴水梢、各帶土産、如米麥魚醤之類、兌換棉布磁器雜物。近蒙朝廷殊恩、照舊起蓋柔遠驛、安挿彜衆、一切貿易、皆在驛中、有例可憑、有案可考、原非沿途之比。今若悉運至會同館貿易、夫從L4陸千餘里而至京、又從京陸千餘里而返L4、其間水陸夫力一金之物、計有數金之費。況隨帶土産係粗重之物、搬運萬難。此尤天朝之所必憫念者也。……、等語。査得、康熈參年肆月内、臣部具題覆、廣東巡撫盧興祖爲恭報暹羅進貢事一疏、内開、進貢順帶貨物、或令貢使自雇船夫載運、或令駅遞船夫運送、等因、奉旨、暹羅國貢使、如彼願自出夫力帶來京城貿易、聽來貿易。如欲在彼處貿易、毋致擾亂、着該地方選委能幹官員、監看貿易、欽遵在案。今琉球國中山王世子尚貞奏請、凡服食器用、多仰天朝、而官伴水梢、各帶土産、如米麥魚醤之類、兌換棉布磁器雜物、前來。應照暹羅國例、進貢順帶貨物、准在福建省柔遠驛貿易、除違禁之物不買外、仍令該地方督撫、選委能幹官員、監看貿易、可也。臣等未敢擅便、謹題請旨、等因、康熈拾年八月貳拾八日題、本月參拾日奉旨、依議、欽此、欽遵抄出到部。其琉球國進貢、順帶貨物、在福建省柔遠驛交易、仍令該地方督撫、選委能幹官員監看。除史書・黒黄紫皀大花西番蓮緞疋・焔硝・牛角・兵器等項之物不買外、其餘絲絹布疋雜物、着交易帶去。相應移咨福建督撫并琉球國世子、可也。相應移咨、爲此合咨前去、煩爲査照施行。須至咨者。右咨琉球國王。康熈拾年九月拾六日。咨。 【25】　大〔→太〕僕寺卿管福建等處承宣布政使司、爲謹陳返棹届期、……事。 　本年肆月拾參日、承准禮曹照會、案准福建布政司覆、看得、琉球國陪臣昌威等所陳四事、據海防官張覲光詳議允行、本司覆核無異。如往北未回官伴、應傳諭守關官兵、聽其回L4。其貿易一項、只許市買絲絹・布帛等物、不許夾帶吏〔→史〕書・硝T1・軍器等項。夏至届期、凡在驛夷人、許其返棹、官伴廩U4、原有定例。合行驛・糧二道支給、未回官伴、應令留邊驛、俟再貢旋歸。合之舊例、皆應允從、以示體恤無外之意。相應咨覆、伏候裁酌啓奏、等因、咨呈到曹。隨經本曹覆、看得、琉球國陪臣昌威等所陳四事、據福建布政司布政使蕭批、福州府同知臣張覲光査議允行、相應依其所請、行令浙L42E守官弁、遇蔡彬等二十餘人回L4、准其進L4〔→關？〕貿易、照舊令館夫王朝等代爲採買絲絹・布帛、不許夾帶違禁貨物、如史書・硝T1・兵器等類。風2E届期、現在夷人、聽其所〔→啓〕奏回國、或蔡彬等帰遲、不及附舟、令暫住柔遠驛、俟再貢同歸。現在官伴口糧、應令該管糧・驛二通〔→道〕、照例支給、以示天朝柔遠之仁、島夷益生向化之慕。相應啓奏、伏候叡裁。奉令旨、依議、敬此、敬遵合照會福建布政司、抄呈統制使、并移糧・驛二道、仍行琉球國陪臣昌威等、一體敬遵施行、等因、到司承此。遵即移行糧・驛二道、及行海防廳遵照、在案。目今貢使乘2E回國、合就移咨、爲此理合備由移咨貴國、煩爲知照施行。須至咨者。右咨琉球國中山王世子尚。康熈拾參年甲寅伍月初八日。謹陳返棹届期等事。咨。 【26】　禮部、爲題明開海貿易未盡事宜、仰祈睿鑒事。 　主客清吏司案呈、奉本部送御前發下紅本部〔→該〕本部等衙門密題覆、福建總督王國安密題前事、内開、該臣看得、貢船定例不過參隻、人不過壹百伍拾名。自來貿易、應照進貢人船數目、准其貿易。請部行文、知照諸國宣布、皇仁俾其一體遵奉。其貿易番船回國、不許搭載内地人口。如有番貨一時貿易未完、止許暫留數名、俟後次船到、即令回國。至内地飄洋船隻、如遇避難流落外番、情願附船回籍、良民聽其歸還故土。其一應禁物外、恐將造船大木・釘鐵・油5B等物、潜運海外、或將糧米販出積聚、應請嚴禁。又内地商民船隻、渉歴汪洋、應准帶械數件、以資防護、各省飄洋船隻繁多、恐至外番被刧、合請一併知照荷蘭等國、俾各嚴禁、等因、康熈貳拾肆年八月貳拾日密題、九月貳拾日奉旨、該部議奏、欽此。欽遵密封到部。査定例、凡外國進貢、船不過參、人不過百。惟琉球國、進貢人數多、不過百伍拾人。凡外國進貢人員、不許收買史書・元黄紫皀大花西番蓮緞疋・焔硝・水牛角、一應兵器等物、等語。又査、康熈陸年、荷蘭國進貢來時、懇請貿易、等因、具題、奉旨、這許買食物、着該督撫親看酌量所來人口、止許買路上食米。如令妄行多買別項之物、事發之時、從重治罪、欽遵在案。 　該臣等會議得、福建總督王國安疏稱、外國貢船、定例不過參隻、人不過壹百伍拾名。自來貿易、應照進貢人船數目、准其貿易。其貿易番船回國、不許搭載内地人口。至内地飄洋船隻、如遇避難流落外番、情願附船回籍、良民聽其歸還故土。其一應禁物外、恐將造船大木・釘鐵・油5B等物、潜運海外、或將糧米販出積聚、均未可定。嗣後、海外諸番、有創始由L4進貢者、査明表文方物等項、悉照琉球國歴貢成例、准其入貢。其貿易船隻、恐至外番被彼刧掠、亦未可定。合請一併知照荷蘭等國、俾各嚴禁、等語。今後外國自來貿易、船隻人數、應各照各國進貢人船數目貿易、貿易畢回時、該督撫8O委賢能官員、將一應禁物併人口・造船大木・釘鐵・油5B等物、細加嚴査、不許私行夾帶。其糧米酌量人口、帶去内地人口、如遇避難流落外國、情願附船回籍、良民聽其歸還故土、帶回之日具報、該地方官査明、准還原籍。其海外諸國、有仰戴皇仁向化創始進貢者、該督撫査明表文・方物等項、具題到日再議。其恐致刧掠嚴禁之處、應令禮部知照外國王等、俾各嚴禁。其所行之文、移咨該督撫、俟順便轉發。又疏稱、番貨一時貿易未完、止許暫留數名、俟後次船到、即令回國。又各省飄洋船隻繁多、恐至外番被刧、亦未可定。内地貿易商民、應准帶小砲・牌刀・鎗箭等械數件、以資防護。其進貢船隻回國、帶去貨物、係在内地置買、似應照例收税、等語。今若令外國人員、久留内地、恐有妄行、亦未可定。番船貿易之人、仍應候貿易完日、一併回還。至於兵器向來嚴禁、不許賣給帶往外國。其小砲・牌刀・鎗箭等械、應帶數件之處、不准行。 　又査、先經禮部會同戸部會議具題、外國進貢定數船參隻内、船上所帶貨物、停其收税、等因、具題奉旨、依議、欽遵在案。且凡外國進貢往返交易貨物、並無收税之處。其進貢船隻、回國收税之處、無庸議可也、等因、康熈貳拾肆年拾月初七日密題、本月初九日奉旨、九卿R3事科道、會議具奏、欽此、欽遵密封到部。該臣等會議得、福建總督王國安疏稱、各省飄洋船隻繁多、恐至外番被刧、亦未可定。内地貿易商民、應准帶小砲・牌刀・鎗箭等械數件、以資防護、等語。兵器向來禁止、不許賣給帶往外國、理應不准商人帶往。但商人在大洋往來、若無防身軍器、恐致刧掠、亦未可定。嗣後内地貿易船隻、防護火砲軍器等項、照船隻大小・人數多寡、該督撫酌量定數、起程時、交與收海税官員、并防守海口官員、査照定數、准其往回、特照原數査驗。其餘仍照禮部等衙門前議、可也、等因、康熈貳拾肆年拾月貳拾貳日密題、本月貳拾陸日奉旨、依議、欽此、欽遵密封到部、送司奉此。相應移咨、爲此合咨前去、煩爲査照旨内事理、欽遵施行。須至密咨者。右密咨琉球國中山王。康熈貳拾肆年拾壹月初三日、再對正之。密咨。 【27】　琉球國中山王臣尚貞謹題、爲仰體D2免兪旨、再陳効順愚誠、冒懇聖明垂慈、以柔遠人、以彰浩蕩事。 　窃、臣辟處海濱、蒙皇上天恩、准臣貳年一次朝貢。……至二十四年五月初十日、奉有部文、内開、外國進貢、定數船參隻、内船中所有帶來貨物、停其收税、等因、奉旨、依議、欽遵在案。但臣民〔→即〕于二十四年冬、遣都通事金元達等駕船壹隻、來接貢使呉世俊等回國、所有本船帶來土産、末員金元達等、懇照恩免參隻事例。經巡撫金（金A4）具題、因□部覆未到時蒙督税部堂、照例收税。至二十五年八月二十一日、伏讀禮部咨文、内開、荷蘭國貢使賓先3Y芝等呈稱、天朝定例、凡是外國進貢、准免參船税銀、令〔→今〕賓先3Y芝等來到福建、僅有壹船免税、懇將今年接貢船内、再免貳隻税銀、湊足參船額數、等因、具題、奉旨、依議、欽遵在案。臣貞伏思、……今荷蘭国使臣賓先3Y芝等得邀皇上格外之恩、臣貞不揣冒昧、仰體皇上萬物一體之仁、俾臣後次接貢船隻、照例恩免、臣即摩頂放踵、亦難報答皇恩萬一也。……伏乞皇上鑑臣効順愚誠、勅行禮部、行文□〔→該？〕督撫、如係進貢船隻、着交與地方官管轄、准依前例遵行。其接貢壹船、懇照荷蘭國奉旨恩免事例、則皇上浩蕩之覃恩、遠播于要荒、臣子子孫孫頂祝無盡矣。爲此特遣貢進毛起龍・蔡鐸等、奉表進貢外、合具奏明、懇祈皇上睿鑑施行。……謹奏以聞。……康熈貳拾七年九月拾五日、琉球國中山王臣尚貞謹上奏。 【28】　禮部、爲仰體D2免兪旨、再陳効順愚誠、冒懇聖明垂慈、以柔遠人、以彰浩蕩事。 　禮科抄出琉球國王中山王尚貞題前事、等因、康熈貳拾七年九月拾伍日題、貳拾八年九月拾陸日奉旨、該部議奏、欽此。欽遵於本月拾七日到部。該臣等會議得、琉球國王中山王尚貞疏稱、切、臣於康熈貳拾肆年伍月内、奉部文、外國進貢、定數船參隻、船中所有帶來貨物、停其收税。今荷蘭國得邀皇上額外之恩、臣後次接貢船、乞照例恩免、等語。査、康熈貳拾伍年七月内、臣部題、荷蘭國接貢船隻、非係私來貿易之船、亦應免其收税、除迎接船二隻外、仍照例收税、等因、具題奉旨、依議、欽遵在案。今琉球國進貢船二隻、已經免税後、接貢船壹隻、亦應照例免其收税、湊足參隻之數。除此接貢船壹隻外、有私來貿易者、仍照例收税。又疏稱、敝國入貢之船、向例兩船員役不盈貳百人數。今准部文、定例、外國進貢、船不過參隻、人不過百、惟琉球國進貢人數多百伍拾人。臣思、琉球至L4、萬里汪洋、兩船内、除官伴員役外、善於操舟者、毎船非伍拾人、不能遠渉洪涛、乞准依前例遵行、等語。査、定例、琉球國進貢、不過百伍拾人、遵行年久、且較別國爲多。今琉球國王、請於百伍拾人外、加添人數之處、應無庸議、俟命下之日、移文該督撫、併知會琉球國王、可也、等因、康熈貳拾八年拾月初參日題、本月初七日奉旨、琉球國誠心進貢年久、該王具疏懇請増添人數、着再議具奏、欽此。欽遵於本月初八日到部。該臣等會同再議得、先經臣部等衙門題覆琉球國王中山王尚貞疏稱、琉球國進貢兩船、已經免税後、接貢船壹隻、亦應照例免其收税、湊足參隻之數。定例、琉球國進貢、不過百伍拾人、遵行年久、且較別國爲多。今琉球國王、請于百伍拾人外、加添人數之處、應無庸議、等因、具題奉旨、琉球國誠心進貢年久、該王具疏懇請増添人數、着再議具奏、欽此。査、琉球國職貢年久、素稱誠謹。嗣後貢兩船人數、准其増添、共不過貳百、後後〔→衍字〕接貢壹船、亦應免其收税、湊足參隻之數、以示皇上柔恤遠人之意、俟命下之日、移文該督撫、併知會琉球國王、可也、等因、康熈貳拾八年拾月初拾日題、本日奉旨、依議、欽此。欽遵抄出到部、送司奉此。相應移咨、爲此合咨前去、煩爲査照旨内事理、欽遵施行。須至咨者。右咨琉球國王。康熈貳拾八年拾月十三日。咨。 【29】　福建等處承宣布政使司、爲接貢官員事。 　康熈貳拾八年拾壱月貳拾九日、准琉球國王中山王尚咨、開、切照、康熈貳拾七年冬、特遣耳目官毛起龍・正議大夫蔡鐸等、領梢役、駕船貳隻、來L4齎捧表章□〔→方〕物、已經移咨貴司、煩爲起送、赴京恭進。貳拾七年貢典外、至于摘回使者趙世勲等・同貢使臣魏應伯等、荷蒙貴司具詳督撫兩院、照例題明、仍坐原船、于本年五月間、遣發回國。又至飄風難彜新垣等參名、乃敝國屬島地方渡名喜人民、于旧四年四月間、割採小粟、被風飄至浙江温州府一都3H門口址、深蒙貴司念□邊海流民具□〔→詳〕督撫兩院、照□〔→例〕題請、給發口糧、生返故土。是皇上無外天恩、而實出貴司與督撫兩院柔恤洪慈、何獨飄風人等感泣貳天鴻恩、敝國□頂祝盛徳無窮焉。但□入覲官伴例准撥船摘回、不至久淹L4地、以糜天朝廩□、爲此特遣都通事毛文善等、率領水梢、坐駕海船壹隻前來、迎接皇上勅書、並欽賞物□、同貢使毛起龍等、一齊回國。伏祈貴司具詳督撫兩院、照例□〔→題〕明、乞于來夏蚤2E賜歸、則庶得來貢如期無愆矣、到司准此。 　案照、先爲仰體D2免兪旨、再陳効順□〔→愚〕誠、冒懇聖明垂慈、以柔□〔→遠〕人、以彰浩蕩事、康熈貳拾八年拾壱月拾參日、奉總督福・浙部院興（興永朝）軍令牌、康熈貳拾八年拾壹月初七日、准禮部咨、開、禮科抄出琉球國王中山王尚貞題前事、内開、切、臣辟處海濱、……、謹奏以聞(1)、康熈貳拾七年九月拾五日奏、貳拾八年九月拾六日奉旨、該部議奏、欽此。遵于本月拾七日到部。 　査、康熈貳拾伍年七月内、臣部題、據荷蘭國貢使賓先3Y芝等呈請、天朝定鼎、凡是外國進貢、准免參船税銀、賓先□〔→3Y〕〔芝〕來到福建、僅有壹船免税、懇將今年接貢船内、再免貳隻税銀、湊□〔→足〕參隻額數、以昭大典、等語。査、康熈貳拾肆年伍月内、福建總督王（王國安）爲呈報一疏、臣部會同戸部議覆、外國進貢船隻、除貢物外、順帶貨物、准其貿易。部臣照例收税、等因、具題、奉旨、外國進貢船隻、所帶貨物、一概收税、於柔遠之意未符、着再議具奏、欽此。將外國進貢、定數船三隻内、船上所帶貨物、停其收税。其餘私來貿易者、□〔→准〕其貿易。〔貿易〕商人、部臣照例收税、等因、具題、奉旨、依議、欽遵在案。今荷蘭國接進貢來使等船隻、非係私來貿易、亦應免收税、除來接貳船外、有私來貿易者、該督撫査明、仍照例收税、等因、具題奉旨、依議、欽遵在案。該臣等會議得、琉球國中山王尚貞疏稱、切、臣於康熈貳拾四年五月内、奉部文、外國進貢、定數船參、船中所有帶來貨物、停其收税。今荷蘭國得邀皇上額外之恩、臣後次接貢船、乞照例恩免、等語。康熈貳拾伍年七月内、臣部題、荷蘭國接貢船隻、非係私來貿易之船、亦應免其收税、除迎接船貳隻外、□〔→仍〕照例收税、等因、具題奉旨、依議、欽遵在案。今琉球國進貢船貳隻、已經免税後、接貢船壹隻、亦應照例免其收税、湊足參隻之數。除此接貢船壹隻外、有私來貿易者、仍照例收税。又疏稱、敝國入貢之船、向例兩船員役不盈貳百人數。今准部文、定〔例〕、外国進貢、船不過參隻、人不過百、惟琉球國進貢人數多百五拾人。臣思、琉球至L4、萬里汪洋、兩船内、除官伴員役外、善于操舟者、毎船非五拾人、不能遠渉洪涛、乞准依前例遵行、等語。査、定例、琉球國進貢、不過百五拾人、遵行年久、且較別國爲多。今琉球國王、請于百五拾人外、加添人數之處、應無庸議、俊〔→俟〕命下之日、移文該督撫、□〔→并〕知會琉球國王、可也、等因、康熈貳拾八年拾月初參日題、本月初七日奉旨、琉球國誠心進貢年久、該王具疏懇請増添人數、着再議具奏、欽此。欽遵于本月初八日到部。 　該臣等會同再議得、先經臣部等衙門題覆琉球国王尚貞疏稱、琉球國進貢貳船、已經免移〔→税〕後、接貢船壹隻、亦應照例免其收税、湊足參隻之數。定例、琉球國進貢、不過百五拾人、遵行年久、且較別國爲多。今琉球國王、請于百五拾人外、加添人數之處、應無庸議、等因、具題奉旨、琉球國誠心進貢年久、該王具疏懇請増添人數、着再議具奏、欽此。査、琉球國職貢年久、素稱誠謹。嗣後貢兩船人數、准其増□〔→添〕、共不過貳百、後接貢一船、亦應免其收税、湊足參隻之數、以□〔→示〕皇上柔恤遠人之意、俟命下之日、移文該督撫、并知會琉球國王、可也、等因、康熈貳拾八年拾月初拾日題、本日奉旨、依議、欽此。欽遵抄出到部、送司奉此。相應移咨、爲此合咨前去、煩爲査照旨内事理、欽遵施行、等因、到部院准此。擬合就行備牌行司照依部文、奉旨内事理、即便欽遵毋違、等因、奉此。…… V　清代琉球資料 【1】　福建等處承宣布政使司、爲禀報事。 　乾隆四年十二月初一日、奉前署巡撫都察院王（王仕任）憲牌、乾隆四年十一月二十六日、准戸部咨、福建司案呈、乾隆四年九月二十一日、准署福撫王咨稱、琉球國飄風難夷毛元等船上、載有鐵鍋・鐵條。前據護理福防廳林興泗詳、係違禁貨物、未便准其帶回。飭令存留夷官、於開館貿易日、變賣兌換、將價歸還毛元等帶回、等由、隨將該難夷被風情形、併贍養賞恤修船、各縁由、具題、在案。茲據福州府清軍海防同知呉8U詳、據琉球國王舅向啓猷等呈稱、難夷百有餘口、鍋不過八十隻、爲衆所仰給。至鐵斤一項、原係該國所産、爲日食器用所必需。懇請原船帶回、等情。卑職復査難夷返國、共計百有餘口、鐵鍋在所必需、至鐵斤一項、原係該國所産、爲遭風難夷等帶來之物、原與内地私買透出洋者有間、可否俯如該國王舅向啓猷等所請、准其將前項鐵鍋・鐵條、原船帶回、等由前來。査、該難夷所帶鐵鍋・鐵條、均屬禁物、前已詳請變賣兌換、附疏題明、在案。今既據該廳詳稱、難夷回國百有餘人、飲食烹□〔→〓〕、鐵鍋勢所必需。其數止有八十餘隻、似可准其隨帶、以爲船上燎爨之用。至鐵條一項、既係伊國所産、該船返棹、沿途並無需用、不便准其帶回、相應仍照原議、飭令變價銀、聽令收受。第毛元等已經離驛返國、所有價値、應俟存留夷官阮大鼎回國之日、交與毛元等承領。相應咨達、等因前來。査、先經署福撫王疏稱、琉球難夷毛元等三十六人、于乾隆三年十二月十一日、在洋遭風飄入L4省、定海2E地方灣泊。査該船載有鹽斤・鐵鍋以及綢絹等物。據稱、鐵鍋・鐵條、係本國那覇地方所産、載回八重山、以爲農具。均屬違禁貨物。該船既有出産、未便准其帶回、應將鐵鍋・鐵條、飭令存留夷官、□〔→於〕開館貿易時、變價兌換、將價歸□〔→還〕毛元等帶回、等因、經本部覆准行文、遵照在案。□〔→今〕該撫又稱、難夷回國、飲食烹〓、鐵鍋勢□〔→所〕必需、似可准其帶回、等語。査、夷人毛元等所帶鐵鍋・鐵條、従前既據供稱、載回以爲農具。原屬有違例禁。況飲食烹〓、瓦器侭足、應用所有鐵鍋等項目、未便准其携帶出洋、致啓越販之漸。應令該撫仍照原題、飭令存留夷官、於開館貿易時、變價交還毛元等、可也、等因、咨院行司、奉此。又爲前事。據福防廳詳、案照、先蒙憲檄、遵即轉行該夷官通事、遵照開館貿易日、將鐵鍋・鐵條、速行變賣。茲據該通事鄭任鐸等覆稱、切、琉球飄風難夷毛元等船上、帶來鐵鍋・鐵斤、奉部文、不許帶回。着在館變賣、等因。本□〔→年〕□〔→七〕月初六日、有鐵行□〔→首〕□〔→洪〕則仁、買得鐵條二千斤、毎斤價銀一分二釐、算共二十四兩琉球銀。初七日、有舗戸陳振士、又買得鐵鍋八十四隻、計重五百二十八斤、毎斤價銀七釐、算共三兩六錢九分六釐、二項共賣出銀二十七兩六錢九分六釐琉球銀。係琉球存留通事阮大鼎親收帶回、交毛元等承領。即于本日挑運出館、理合報明、伏乞轉報施行、等情、到職。轉報到司、據此。除詳請咨覆外、合就移知、爲此備咨貴國王、請依事理、煩將該通事阮大鼎齎回飄風難民毛元等所帶鐵鍋・鐵條、變價銀兩、照數散給毛元等承領。仍祈見覆施行。須至咨者。右咨琉球國中山王尚（尚敬）。乾隆伍年七月十四日。 【2】　琉球國中山王尚（尚敬）、爲咨覆事。 　乾隆五年七月二十八日、准福建等處承宣布政使司咨、開内〔→内開〕、爲禀報事。……仍祈見覆施行(1)、等由、到國、准此。擬合咨覆、爲此備由□〔→移〕咨貴司、煩爲察照施行。須至咨者。右咨福建等處承宣布政使司。乾隆伍年拾壹月初拾日。 【3】　福州將軍兼管L4海關事務新柱・L4浙總督喀爾吉善・福建巡撫陳大受奏、爲敬陳貢船貿易情形、仰祈聖鑑、以廣皇仁事。 　窃査、琉球一國、遠處東南、地多荒辟、産物無幾、凡食物器用、多仰内地、……、凡進貢船隻、准帶土産貨物銀兩、在L4貿易、建設柔遠驛館、撫恤安置、委員監看交易。其出入關税、悉行寛免、而査辧人員、亦因外國船隻、向無輸税之例、但驗無夾帯違禁貨物、即便放行、由來已久。茲乾隆十二年二月初五日、該國貢船到L4、査進口册内、據夷官報稱、兩船共帶銀一萬兩、置買貨物。臣等遵即安挿館第、委員照看飭給薪水養〓之資、復行細加察訪。其所帶銀兩、竟十倍於所報之數。臣等隨行司確査議禀、册報銀兩、不過萬數。其官伴・水梢人等、所帶之銀、聞有十餘萬、即就上届乾隆八年貢船來L4、毎船亦止報銀五千、而査其返棹貨册、約計不下十萬兩。今次情形大約相同、等語。伏査、該國雖懸海外、久經向化、既許輸誠進貢、原係一視同仁。其所帶銀兩、並無論其多寡、即置買貨物、亦未限有定額、理應據實報明交官公辧、方爲妥協。茲該國夷官、或自行分別公私、因循舊習、以多爲少、殊不知似此辧理。該國已蹈欺隱之名、内地復開奸弊之竇、其間〓勒・〓延・招搖・影射等弊、在所不免、……臣等身任封疆、焉敢再事因循、除現在8O委能員、監看公平交易、仍一面分頭稽察、務使妥協辧理外、臣等請嗣後凡遇該國貢期船隻到L4、令其將所帶銀兩・應買貨物、無論在公在私、倶照數咨明、臣等8O委能員、驗明入館、召募妥實商人、公平交易、官爲存案。儻〓勒・稽延、照律治罪、監看之員、如敢徇隠、立即査參。該船返棹之日、仍飭藩司、將貨物照數造册、移知該國王査照。如此則諸弊悉除、……伏乞皇上睿鑒施行、謹奏。乾隆十二年四月十八日。 知道了（乾隆十二年六月初六日）。 【4】　福建等處承宣布政使司、爲敬陳貢船貿易情形、仰祈聖鑑、以廣皇仁事。 　案照、乾隆十二年六月初九日、奉鎮守福州管關將軍新（新柱）・總督L4浙部院喀（喀爾吉善）・宮保巡撫部院陳（陳大受）憲牌、切査、……、伏乞皇上睿鑒施行(1)、等因、乾隆十二年四月十八日奏、六月初六日、奉到R1批、知道了、欽此。合行飭知□〔→備〕牌、行□〔→司〕依照事理、即便轉行□〔→欽〕遵査照辧理毋違、等因、奉此。合就移知、爲此備咨貴國王、請依事理、煩爲欽遵。嗣後凡遇貢期船隻入L4、務將所帶銀兩數目、併應置買何項貨物、逐一據實開報、備咨各衙門存案。俟事竣返棹之日、□〔→以〕便照數造册、移知査照施行。須至咨者。右咨琉球國王尚（尚敬）。乾隆十二年九月初八日。 【5】　琉球國中山王尚（尚敬）、爲咨覆敬陳貢船貿易情形、仰祈聖鑑、以廣皇仁事。 　准貴司咨、開、案照、……、移知査照施行(1)、等由、到國。切照、敝國叨□〔→沐〕皇恩浩蕩、有加無已、又奉列憲仰體皇仁優恤及下國、更蒙貴司念及外國、嗣後凡遇貢期船隻入L4、務將所帶銀兩數目、併應置買何項貨物、逐一據實開報、備咨各衙門存案。俟事竣返棹之日、以便照數造册、移知査照施行(2)、等由。此誠敬及擧國臣民所以共沾格外鴻慈而永世難忘者也。爲此理合備咨貴司、煩爲査照施行。須至咨者。右咨福建等處承宣布政使司。乾隆十三年十一月二十四日。 【6】　福建等處承宣布政使司、爲進貢事。 　…… 　又爲……等事。 　本（乾隆十四）年七月二十日、奉巡撫都察院潘（潘思K1）批、本司呈詳、査得、琉球進貢船隻、帶來銀兩并土産各物貿易一案、詳奉憲台批示、遵即轉行福防廳、遵照監看、嚴加査察、不許奸民騒擾、及勾通置買違禁貨物、事竣驗明造册、取結詳報去後、茲據該護廳詳稱、據都通事梁琴・鄭乘和等呈稱、於六月二十三日貿易完竣、將帶來銀兩・兌買貨物各數目、分晰開報。經該廳親詣柔遠驛驗明、並無夾帶違禁貨物、取其册結、飭令該夷装包搬運登舟、并聲明夷人所買一切銅器、已經飭令把驛官章誠變價、不許帶回。至所買木箱之面釘有黄銅事件、免其折變、詳請轉詳、遣發回國、等由、前來。理合轉詳、伏候憲台察奪批示、以便遵照奏案。……、呈報憲台具題、……、等縁由、奉批。 　再査、貴國王官伴帶來銀兩・土産、在柔遠驛貿易案、於乾隆十二年經督憲奏准、應置買何項貨物、無論在公在私、倶照數咨明、委員驗明入館、公平交易、事竣返棹之日、本司衙門、將置買貨物、照數造册、移咨貴國王知照(1)、等因、遵經移知、在案。今歳進貢船隻到L4、其所帶銀兩數目、併應置買何項貨物、未准移知。爲此備咨貴國王、請煩査照。嗣後貢船隻到L4、所□〔→帶〕銀兩、兌買何項貨物、遵照奏案、聲明移知施行。須至咨者。計移送貿易貨物數册一本。右咨琉球國中山王尚（尚敬）。乾隆拾肆年七月二十日。 【7】　琉球國中山王尚（尚敬）、爲咨覆以竭誠事。 　乾隆十四年八月初二日、准貴司咨、爲……等事。本年七月二十日、……、移知施行(1)、等因、准此、在案。……謹遵前例、毎値貢船入L4之便、三府諸島査□〔→考〕雜用物件、各將銀兩、遞與貢船、帶去買收貨物、備資國用、永爲定例。但所帶銀兩、隨時増減、兌買何項貨物、皆隨便宜、原靡定規、故雖國用不可欠者、向例委任官吏、參酌調理而已。……爲此備由咨覆貴司、煩爲察照施行。須至咨者。右咨福建等處承宣布政使司。乾隆拾肆年拾壹月初八日。 【8】　福建巡撫周學健謹奏、爲奏明事。 　窃照、外洋各國、進貢來L4、夷使所帶銀兩貨物、例准其在南臺柔遠驛開市貿易、委員在館監看、除違禁史書、黒黄紫皀大花西番蓮緞匹・焔硝・牛角・兵器・桐油・鐵鍋等項、不准購買帶回外、其餘中國所有器用什物、概准帶回。此本朝一統無外之宏規、亦懷柔屬國之到意也。……五月十四日、據布政司詳報、據看守夷館委員胡安邦禀報、琉球夷使温思義等、製就救火水龍一架、約重七八十斤、欲擡入館内。査看水龍係用銅製、且有木箱、内中恐有鉛鐵等物、例在禁内、不敢擅令入館、等情、轉報前來。臣隨確査議詳去後、……并訊據夷使温思義等供稱、該國地方茅屋居多、常被火患、因見天朝救火水龍、易於救滅、故向銅匠定造、意欲帶回本國、預備救火、等語。……乾隆九年七月初九日。 【9】　L4浙總督蘇昌・福建巡撫定長跪奏、爲外洋屬國貢船、懇請配買綢緞、據情代奏、恭請天鑒事。 　竊照、東洋之琉球國、素稱恭順、節次據期入貢、帶來銀兩・土物、向在L4省館驛、與商民貿易。惟禁其置買史書・兵器・焔硝・牛角等物。其餘絲綢・藥材等貨、均准其買帶。至乾隆二十四年、奉禁絲斤出洋、遂不准其取買綢緞。嗣經該國王遣使入貢、4F具表文、奏請配買絲絹。乾隆二十八年十二月内、奉諭旨恩准、照英吉利國例、其歳買土絲五千斤、二蠶湖絲三千斤。即經欽遵恩旨、傳諭該國官伴、恪遵置買、並移知該國王、在案。茲據福建布政使顔希深詳稱、琉球國現在遣使恭進乾隆二十九年分貢典。核准該國王尚穆移咨内稱、該國織IE不工、不能成章服之彩。懇請於歳買絲斤數内、准量買綢緞等項、共二千斤、於歳買絲斤八千斤數内扣算、……。乾隆三十年三月十九日。 乾隆三十年三月二十八日、奉R1批、此何不可之有、欽此。 【10】　奴才鐘音謹奏、爲欽奉上諭事。 　……伏査、琉球國地處荒僻、物産無幾、一切食物器用、多需内地、久沐我朝殊典。念其向化之誠、順治年間、即准貿易、康煕年間、復與免税。乾隆十二年以前、該國船隻到L4回國、因向無輸税之例、但驗無夾帶違禁史書・兵器・焔硝等物、即便放行。縁是年査出貢船進口、僅據夷官册報帶銀一萬兩、來L4置貨、而官伴水手人等竟帶有銀十餘萬兩。因●該國既輸誠進貢、其所帶置貨銀兩、原無論多寡、即置買貨物、亦無限額。若任其欺隠、以多報少、●滋弊端、經前總督臣喀爾吉善、會同將軍・巡撫議請、嗣後令其據實報明、經官●●奏、蒙聖鑒、在案。從此始有稽察●●。凡貿易即在福州府柔遠驛館、該夷帶來土産・銀兩、先令報明、委福州府海防同知、査驗入館、定期開館、召商交易。遵例除禁物外、配買絲綢及藥材等貨、委員鑒看、按旬通報各衙門査●●。事竣回國、海防同知將貨物照數造册、申送藩司核明、移知該國王査照。至於入口・出口貨物應該税銀、●于向例係L4海關之南臺口委員、査照科税則例、核數申報將軍察驗、照例免税放行、恭摺奏報。此現在遵辧之情形也。奴才密委糧驛道●●●帶同福州府同知府〔→衍字〕徐元前赴南臺口弔取歴年免税●册、及海防同知原報貨物●册、一并●核去後。茲據檢齊呈送、亦稱、該口於乾隆三十四年間被水、以致遠年册档殘缺不全、●明前來、隨收送到。自乾隆三十一年至今、●册按年逐一詳加較對、其税貨與報貨、兩相符合。査該國係二年一貢、來船二隻、次年接貢來船一隻。亦間有遭風飄來難船、其隨船帶來土産銀兩、原有多寡、而置回貨物及免過税銀、亦皆因之不一。如難船入口出口免税不過數兩・十餘兩・百十兩不等。接貢船一隻入口免税、皆在二百兩内外、出口免税、不出五百兩。進貢船二隻、入口免税三百兩、出口免税皆在五百兩以外。惟乾隆三十六年進貢船二隻帶來銀四萬一千兩、又土産海菜等物、賣得銀一萬八千二百一十四兩零、共有銀五萬九千二百餘兩。在館置買絲綢等貨、計用銀五萬四千三百三十餘兩。其入口免税、銀二百四十九兩零、出口免税、銀八百一十九兩零。此年免過回國税銀、較諸往年、爲數已多。今乾隆四十年進貢船二隻帶來銀四萬七千兩、又土産海菜等物、買得銀二萬六千九百九十兩、共有銀七萬三千九百餘兩。在館置買絲綢等貨、計用銀六萬九千九百餘兩。其入口免税、銀二百七十八兩零。出口免税、銀一千二百十五兩零。是四十年免過回國税銀、較之三十六年、爲數更多。雖此次帶來土産・銀兩及置回貨物、較之歴年有増、因而免過税銀、亦比往常獨多。但將軍永住有察核免税之責、不收過多之處、査出入告、仍照向來辧理、難免從寛。理合據實覆奏、伏乞皇上睿鑒。謹奏。乾隆四十一年三月十二日。 乾隆四十一年三月三十日、奉R1批、知道了。欽此。 W　英文資料 【1】　……At every port also, where such a foreign trade is sanctioned, there is a hong or body of security merchants as at Canton; a fact which shows clearly enough that this institution is parcel of the laws or customs of China, and not a peculiar restraint imposed upon the intercourse with Europeans. 【2】　……As to the feelings of the first producers and the tea-merchants in the interior, my informant expresses not only the anxious desire of his own firm, but that of tea-growers generally, to find a market for their produce here in preference to Canton. In conjuction with houses in the city, I have every reason to believe undertakings will readily be entered into bear all the expenses and risk of transit, and deliver teas at a fixed price, safe and sound, either at Foo-chow, or the anchorage of larger vessels at Pagoda Island. 【3】　……The authorities, from the Governor-General downwards, distinctly assert that it is a place of little trade, and decreasing in commercial importance. This, to a certain extent, has been confirmed by information derived from other sources. A trader of reputed substance and respectability affirmed, in conversations, that the trade of the port had considerably decreased during the last few years, which, he attributed to the“drain of capital, in the best of times not very plentiful, caused by the opium traffic; immense sums being expended in the purchase of the drug, to the impoverishment of the purchaser, which would otherwise have been invested in a more legitimate and profitable commerce.” Nevertheless, so much detailed information of the most circumstantial kind has been supplied as greatly to qualify this statement. Whatever may be the truth as to the decrease of late years, I think there is proof that a brisk and very extensive trade is at the present time kept up with the most of the maritime provinces, both by sea and land, and also with the towns of the interior. Among the chief of them are enumerated Keangse, Chang-chow-foo, Tseuen-chow-foo, and Fuh-ning-foo, also Loo-choo, Shanse, Shantung, Teentsin, Ningpo, and Sze-chuen. The Ningpo trade it may be observed comprises the main part of the Shantung commerce. Ningpo being a port more easy of access to large vessels than Foo-chow, the Shangtung[sic] junks chiefly congregate there, and the produce is sent to Foo-chow by the smaller Ningpo craft. Thirteen junks belonging to Foo-chow carry on the direct trade to Shangtung[sic] and are expressly kept for this trade, though on entering the port they are generally obliged to discharge half of their cargoes into lighters at the mouth of the river, in order to admit of their ascent as high as the bridge. Each town or districts sends its respective produce or manufactures to the market. The sea-board trade seems unquestionably to be the more extensive of the two, although one of the main branches of this commerce, that with Soochow, including all silk manufactures, has lately been changed, in consequence of the extensive depredations committed by pirates, from a maritime to an inland trade. The chief articles of export are tea, paper, bamboo, oranges, orange-peel, sugar, sugar-candy, copper, sycee and dollars, bamboo roots and spars, together with various articles of Straits' produce, opium, and innumerable sundries. Many of these exports are of course first imported. …… 　　The imports are not less various. Foochow is supplied with foreign goods to a large amount from Tsuen-chow-foo and the port of Amoy, for which she sends sycee and specie. Opium however forms the staple article of the trade, the drug being consumed in these districts to a large amount. Straits' produce in all their variety, find a large market here. Inferior Japan goods from Loo-choo, and gold employed by the Loo-choo merchants in the purchase of piece-goods of British or American manufacture, are among the imports. To every one of the places enumerated, junks take back exports in exchange for the cargoes brought, the whole trade being one of barter. For a more explicit and detailed statement of this trade, with the estimates furnished of its value, and the number of traders, junks, and boats employed in it, I must refer to the inclosed tabular return, formed from the whole of the information obtained. By this return it will be seen that upwards of one thousand traders, and a similar number of junks and boats are employed, independently of the traffic by land, the tonnage of the shipping averaging nearly half a million of piculs, say 29,000 tons, and the estimated annual value of the import and return cargoes is given at 7,455,000 dollars. No doubt some considerable allowance must be made for inaccuracies, for possible errors or misstatements, yet taking the whole of the details into account, it would seem sufficiently proved that there is a very large and widely diffused trade with the city and port of Foo-chow. This considerable trade seems to be sound, and almost exclusively carried on by barter, that of Loo-choo in some degree excepted, either one or two junks arriving annually with tribute cargo, and about 10,000 dollars in Japan gold, for the purpose of purchasing our manufactures. Last year they are reported to have purchased 10,000 pieces of long-cloth, brought overland from Amoy. About a hundred Loo-chooans came over in each junk, all more or less interested and engaged in trade. 　　The demand for Straits' produce and for British manufactured goods in certainly considerable; nearly every third person has some article of dress from our looms about him. In a walk through the city most of the drapers' shops are observed to contain some for retail, as also goods of American manufacture. Goods of interior manufacture seem in greatest abundance, although some of the information received represents those of superior quality to be best adapted for the market. During Mr. Glen's hurried visit, all the Chinese traders who came professed themselves more or less anxious to make purchases to the extent of several thousand dollars. Mr. Glen's inability to supply them, or indeed to give the market price at which he could bring the goods, prevented their sincerity from being put to the proof, not only as regarded actual purchases, but as to any definite orders for quantities or qualities of goods. They gave it as their general opinion that all manufactured goods would sell, chiefly however cotton fabrics, coarse long-cloths, and manufactures of superior quality. Articles of Straits' produce would also find a ready market. They further stated, that a barter trade would be most desirable, and that tea could be supplied for that purpose. For goods sold by retail, or in small quantities, however, there seems no reason to fear any want of specie at the commencement of a trade. I inclose a return of the quotations of the market price of the articles chiefly in demand, furnished by the merchants of the place. These prices, I am informed, are calculated to yield a very handsome profit, and in the present glut of the Canton and Shanghae markets, would be realized with avidity. …… 　　Mr. Glen, who seemed an intelligent merchant, well versed in business, in his hasty survey of the capabilities and wants of the port, went away with an opinion that Foo-chow-foo afforded a fair field for commercial enterprize, and that there was no want of customers for British goods, who were able and willing to pay for them in cash. To this conclusion my despatch No. 30, shows I had previously come as the result of my inquiries. It may be surmised that the establishment of a foreign trade at Foo-chow would tend to revive the energy of its own native commerce, Foo-chow not being rich in products, and supplied even with necessaries from other provinces. Merchants frequenting the place often find some difficulty in getting returns for their goods, a defect which it is believed the appearance of foreign merchandize will amply supply. …… Amongst the articles restricted or prohibited as objects of general trade, are tea, large spars for masts, salts, iron, sulphur, saltpetre, cows'-horns for powder-flasks, and lead. Tea is only allowed to be exported in certain quantities, a rule which it is understood does not apply to the foreign trade, and an export duty of two taels per pecul is levied on shipment. …… 　　Although opium must be classed among the prohibited articles, so perfectly nominal and ineffective is the letter of the prohibition, it is generally inferred from the immunity the traffic enjoys, that the Chinese Government is no longer opposed to its introduction. It seems very certain that the demand for this drug does at this moment, and probably may always, far exceed that for manufactureed goods of every description. The total annual amount imported, I am credibly informed, is not less than 2,000,000 of dollars. A chest often realizes 800 dollars, although 680 dollars is given as a fair quotation, and at least four chests are daily retailed in the city and surburbs. Others again estimate the daily consumption at eight chests, and confidently affirm that one-half of the whole population are addicted to smoking it. …… 　　Foo-chow is supplied from Chinchew, both by sea and land; by the latter route chiefly, although within the last few weeks more than one opium clipper has been in the mouth of the River Min, furnishing a supply adequate to the demand. When transported overland in any large quantity, a company or caravan club together for the purpose, and travel well armed, not from any fear of the Government taking legal measures against them, but on account of apprehended attacks from robbers, to whom the value of the drug forms a strong attraction. When carried in small quantities, the travellers open a chest, and distribute it throughout their luggage, for safety from plunderers and to escape attention. Independent of the demand for the city and suburbs, it forms an article of export and traffic with the interior, although this branch of the trade chiefly goes through Tsuen-chow, on account of its proximity to Chinchew, where, it is well known, several our opium clippers are always lying. …… 　　Business is carried on by barter, ready money, and promissory notes, the latter sometimes being delivered by agents on their employers at the various cities; and it is strong evidence of the general good faith and soundness of the commerce, that the latter is considered a very good way of payment, and often accepted in preference to any other, for convenience sake. The mode in which the business and traffic of the port is carried on, throws some light upon the nature and extent of their commercial transactions. The merchants from the several places trading with Foo-chow generally accompany their goods to the market, effect their purchases, and return in one season to repeat their visit on a similar errand the following year. The chief part of the business, nevertheless, would seem to pass through the hands of a small body of merchants at Foo-chow, who in fact maintain a kind of monopoly. Of the three modes of dealing referred to, that by barter is the most prevalent; by ready money, the least. The latter is indeed at all times a scarce article, though, if due notice be given, no great difficulty is experienced in collecting a moderate sum. For instance, to obtain from 10,000 to 20,000 dollars it is said would be the work of three or four days, and if required on the spot at once might not be procurable. Dollars and rupees pass current by weight in the port, but in the interior none but Carolus or pillar dollars are received. Sycee and gold are used as well as dollars; of the former there is now a good stock, of the Teen Tsin paou, in the market, this being the time when the merchants from that place frequent Foo-chow for the purpose of trade. The almost universal monetary medium of Foo-chow is a paper currency consisting of bills or promissory notes, analogous, in many respects, to our country bank small notes issues. There are upwards of 100 banking establishments at Foo-chow, most of them held to possession of large capital. A million dollars is quoted as the maximum. Each of these establishments are the banks of deposit and banks of issue, their notes bearing the seal of the firm; these are any amount; 400 cash being the minimum, and about 1,100 dollars the maximum. ……They are issued either for dollars or cash, at the option of the drawer. On presenting these bills at their respective firms, they may always be cashed at a very small discount, in which the banker's profit consists. Two cash are paid on each dollar on entering them for bills, and on drawing out the dollars again a further sum of eight cash is demanded. The mere fact of the universal prevalence of this banking system and paper currency, forms in itself very unquestionable evidence of an advanced state of commerce and finance at this port; ……While in many other parts of China they still adhere to the primitive and clumsy method of making payments in bars of silver, with all the attendant incoveniences of weighing and assaying, they seem little in arrear of the monetary system of Europe at Foo-chow. …… 　　It seems that in small sums dollar bills are preferred to specie, not only on account of their being more portable, but the further consideration that a bill always commands a fixed price, according to the value of the dollar in the market, whereas when dollars themselves are used, account is taken of the weigh of each. No reasonable ground of doubt semms to exist, that in the case of foreign merchants receiving a number of these bills in payment of goods, he would always be enabled to cash them by taking them to their respective banks of issue, to the amount of several thousands dollars. …… 　　Upon the whole, the information received, as to the financial transactions, and even the resources of the city and port, cannot be considered other than satisfactory and encouraging, in reference to any retail trade, even on a large scale, in foreign goods. The paper medium affords great facilities, the creit on which its currency is based seems sound, and neither dollars, sycee of the best quality, nor gold, are so absolutely deficient as the authorities may have probably been led to believe, certainly not so scarce as to offer any obstacle to the opening of a brisk ready-money trade for British goods to a considerable amount. Large transactions, involving the disposal of a whole ship's cargo to one house, and several in succession, can only be contemplated in reference to, and in connection with, a barter trade, the chief element of which at this port must be tea, on the Chinese side. 　　…… 　　It will thus be obvious that the charges of transport must form no inconsiderable proportion of the whole cost price of the lower qualities of tea to the purchaser at Canton, and if that can be diminished to great an extent as this information would indicate, an assertion of the partner who has lately been despatched by one of the firms from the tea district to Foo-chow, to endeavour to open the market to foreign trade, may well credited; viz., that he can afford to sell the tea at Foo-chow, which he must otherwise send to Canton, at one-fourth less than the price it would bring the latter port. A member of another large firm, having considerable dealings in tea at Canton, states that they could sell at 20 per cent. less than at Canton. This will appear the more feasible if it be remembered that, not only does the greater expense of transport enhance the value of tea at the Canton market beyond that which it would justly bear at Foo-chow, but additional duties are imposed during the transit by the lengthened route. …… 　　……Most of tea-dealers, however, are natives of the tea districts, and to them, therefore, the proximity of Foo-chow, I am assured by one of themselves, would offer many advantages. Still on this point I have been most anxious to obtain correct information; for in China, at least, it is not always sufficient that a change from a long established custom should be to the advantage of the parties concerned. They not only must be convinced that such is case, which is all that is required in most communities, but they must entertain a spontaneous desire of their own to adopt the innovation for the profitable result. English merchants appear to me to be under very erroneous impressions, especially those who have long resided at Canton, when they assert that for money Chinese are ready to undertake anything. Long contact with Europeans seems to have imparted some of money-seeking and money-getting qualifications of our own and other mercantile communities to the Chinese at that port, consequently what is asserted of them there may be true. Of fallacy of the opinion, as relates to this province or city, I have daily and practical experience. Money seems to possess little power of inducing them, to do that to which they are either not accustomed or otherwise disinclined. It has been the more satisfactory to me, therefore, to receive very unequivocal assurance, not only of the willingness of the tea-growers and merchants to make Foo-chow their market in preference to Canton, but their eager desire to accomplish this change, in proof of which, as I have already stated, one of the partners of a firm has been sent down from the tea district, and with express instructions to endeavour to dispose of their season's tea, amouting to 1,240 chests, at this port, and to ascertain if there be any large demand, and foreign goods to exchange against their tea. Nor is his firm the only one which seems to be attempting to make a diversion in the tea trade in favour of Foo-chow. This tea-trader further gives it as his that the tea-traders would generally take our goods to any amount for which we demanded tea, and he considers that such a barter-trade would be most desirable and profitable for both parties. Of the diminished cost of tea by reduced duties and expense of transport, of the willingness of the tea-dealers to transfer the sale of their produce to the market nearer home, and of the practicability of the route, I think there no longer exist any reasonable grounds of doubt. These three points established, export from China might thus be effected, in order to determine the probability of these advantages outweighing other and less favourable circumstances inseparably attached to the port, and the adverse interests which must be hostile to the change. Although easy to show that a great difference must result, and by what means the saving will be effected, it is nevertheless most difficult to determine with any accuracy the amount. Three classes of data are wanting for the solution of the question, showing, First. The total cost of transport and duties on tea proceeding to Canton. Secondly. The same in reference to Foo-chow-foo Thirdly, and finally. The selling price of tea in the trade, that is, to the first dealers in the tea district. The latter is the more necessary, since, no doubt, in passing from the farmers and cultivators to the traders, and thence into the hands of the Canton merchants and monopolists, a considerable charge is grafted on the cost price of Sin-chin, in addition to the expense of transport and payments for duties, for the advantage of the intermediate dealer and the Canton hong merchants, whose profits on the transaction must thus be realized, and they are probably not small. A British merchant, purchasing tea at Foo-chow, might, I think, readily come in direct relation either with the first producer, or at furthest, one intermediate dealer; the whole of the profits of the third party, and the difference of cost transport and duties levied in the longer and shorter routes would thus be saved to the foreign purchaser. Whether this be 25 per cent., as asserted by the working partners of the firm already alluded to in the tea districts, or more or less, it would seem unquestionable that the saving must be large, so considerable, indeed, as to offer a premium of unusual magnitude upon all transactions for the purchase of teas at this port, even if it offered no prospect of a further profit upon the barter of British goods against tea, to which a new market would be opened. …… 【4】 …… 　　　　1. Statement of Transaction in Foreign Trade at the Port of Foo-chow-foo during the Year ending 31st December, 1845. 　　…… 　　Foo-chow for its consumption, and that of the places in the interior supplied with Foreign goods from hence, has hitherto drawn supplies from Canton, Amoy, and Chinchew. No large trade, none equal to this demand, be it large or small, can be established here by British merchants, until those supplies are stopped; their markets undersold, and the channels of their trade dried up. The first step toward cutting of these supplies, is to prove beyond a question, that a regular and constant supply of British goods in demand here, will at all times be brought to their own Port, equal in choice and quality, and lower in prices, than they have hitherto been able to obtain overland or through native channels. Uncertainty on this point, which even a temporary failure in the supplies necessarily creates, will effectually present, their withdrawing their funds, and otherwise interrupting their business relations with agents at those markets, on which they know by the sure test of experience they can depend. It would be obviously the height of imprudence, and show a total want of capacity for business were the Chinese dealers to act upon any other principle. They have hitherto driven a thriving and most profitable trade with British and Foreign goods by means of agents, partners, brokers, scattered all over the Coast and at the different Consular ports, their funds are already engaged in these different and distant channels, and no adequate or reasonable inducement has been held out to them suddenly to withdraw those funds and concentrate them in Foo-chow. Such a course would be plainly disadvantageous to their interests, and is not therefore likely to be adopted by the merchants who trade more especially in Foreign goods. A hasty walk through the main street of the City will leave little doubt on the subject of their prosperity, and, it may be assumed, their intelligence as men of business. In one quarter are several large and well ordered shops contiguous to each other, carrying in their outward appearance such striking evidences of superior wealth and prosperity over their neighbours, that the inference is lear; their business is thriving and profitable, and is neither conducted by men without judgement nor to a limited extent. These are the Shops of those who trade chiefly in Foreign Manufactures. The Foo-chow people have hitherto, and it is obvious with good reason, depended upon their own channels for the supply of British goods, which the evidence already adduced must prove, are in large demand. They are, as is well known, always peculiarly slow to adopt innovations or changes in their usual habits, whether of life or business. It requires indeed no long study or residence in China to be certain that a Chinese must have time to a serious step, even after manifest proof of its advantage is before him. To attempt to hurry him; to allow a shade of doubt to cross his mind, is to confirm him more inveterately in the old way. In the present instance time has not been allowed for such change, and he has had moreover sufficient evidence of the uncertainty of supplies destined for the Port by British hands. Another year of better arrangements may be required to being affairs to the same favourable point at which they stood three months ago before the supplies in demand began to fail. For this untoward result the British, and not the Chinese Merchant is to blame. 　　When the Imports and Exports at Foochow for the last year therefore are shown to be small, the fact cannot justly be urged as a proof that there is no demand for British goods at Foochow, or even that the demand is too limited to be worthy of the attention of houses engaged in large commercial transactions. Limited as far as relates to any British merchants' sales here, no doubts it has hitherto been; and to make a large demand for our goods, there must previously be a large demand on the spot for the native producer of Foo-chow. It will be seen by the Trade Returns for the Year, that this has only amounted on the side of the British to Six hundred chests of Tea. The balance in favour of our produce has been paid by the Chinese in Silver, thus proving that there is not only a demand equal to ours, but, although the whole amount may be trifling yet in proportion, a considerable surplus demand has been found to exist ready made as it were to British Merchants hands for British Manufactured goods, a result which could scarcely have been anticipated. Much valuable time and opportunity has been lost. If however another year or South West monsoon be allowed to pass with the same lingering for a spontaneous manifestation of a large demand for British goods at the Port, I believe it will then be too late. A third year will probably suffice to convince the Tea-growers that this is never destined to be the Market for their produce they at present desire to see it, to prove to the dealers in manufactured goods that it is vain to make arrangements based upon the assumed certainty of a regular and sustained supply of the objects of their traffic, brought to their own port on more favourable terms than they can be procured elsewhere; and to confirm both these classes, on whom hinge all the prospects of the market, in adhering to the old channels for their trade, and the employment of their capital; in default of finding new ones more favourable to their interests than Foochow will seem to offer under British working. 　　　　2. Restrictions and Prohibitions affecting Trade. Importation of Opium. Custom House Transaction. 　　The total amount of the recognized Foreign trade at Foo-chow during the last year has been shown to be insignificant. But, before proceeding further to enquire whether this amount is proportioned to the natural advantages and the resources of the place, some preliminary notice is required of the smuggling traffic, in opium and other articles of commerce at this port, not recognized indeed as either British or Native Trade, yet not the less certainly existing in the hands of both British and Chinese subjects. …… 　　The analogy between the progress of the legitimate Foreign trade of the Port and the illicit traffic, is sufficiently remarkable, and would not be free from an inference highly unfavourable to the ultimate extension of our commercial relations, were it not probable that one and the same obvious cause of failure has been allowed to operate against both, and that the dealers in opium as the dealers in Piece goods have allowed the demand on the spot for their merchandize to be diminished by the amount of supplies could be exported from the markets of Chinchew and Amoy on terms equally favourable. Attempts have been made to force the sales upon better term by landing the opium at Foochow under the safeguard of the crew of British vessels; a practice which leading to collisions on the river and remonstrance on the part of the Authorities, called for the circular, published by Your Excellency's order in the China Mail. Similar practices are, I believe, occasionally resorted to at other Consular Ports and show distinctly the tendency of the traffic to set all regulations and authority at difiance in pursuit of large profits. It is clear that these expedients and others to which the captains and agents of opium vessels resort cannot be free from danger to our relations political and commercial, even were the whole system of the trade; founded upon an open and habitual violation of the laws of China, exempted from other grave disadvantage. British vessels commanded by British subjects, armed to resist all Chinese interference, and openly lying within a few miles of each of the Ports at which Her Majesty's Consuls are resident, with avowed and known object of forcing a trade prohibited and denounced as alike illegal and injurious by the highest Chinese authority; consititutes a very anomalous position both for British subjects and British Authorities, giving to the latter an appearance of collusion or connivance at the infraction of the laws of China, whoch must be held to reflect upon their integrity and good faith of the Chinese. While the cultivation and sale of opium is sanctioned and encouraged for the purpose of revenue in India; and those who purchase the drug, deriving wealth and importance from the disposal of it in China are free from blame, it is in vain to attempt to throw exclude opprobrium upon the last agents in the transaction, those who push its sale on the Coast of China. There is too obvious an injustice, for public opinion here or elsewhere to give effect to a judgement so partial. In the mean time, no small portion of the odium attacking to the illicit traffic in China falls upon the Consular Authorities under whose Jurisdiction the sales take place, and upon the whole Nation whose subjects are engaged in the trade; and the foundations of the largest smuggling trade in the world are widely extended, carrying with them a habit of violating the laws of another Country, and the Treaties and Port Regulations of their own authorities. These are serious evils, on which it is unnecessary to dwell, as they are doubtless known to Your Excellency, but even were they not marked by a tendency to increase in magnitude, they may thus at any moment give rise to serious difficulties, embarrassing our commercial relations. That the general influence of this trade is not exaggerate, is proved by the fact that smuggling is not confined to opium. I have the strongest grounds for believing that British Manufactured goods and other articles in demand, have found their way into this port from Chinchew, and from Opium vessels at the mouth of the River, I need not say, without paying duty. Were these transactions to take any great extension it is obvious that they would render legal trade impossible by the equal competition. The sale of opium hitherto has been the principal object, but whether it is the greater profit upon this article, or respect for the Port Regulations, and Treaties, to which this result is to be attributed, cannot be very doubtful. These and other circumstances attending the opium trade seem to indicate a necessity for close and watchful observation, as to the general current of traffic, and the mode of its prosecution; that any extension or altered character may not be allowed to steal into an unforeseen magnitude, making interference more impracticable and tolerance impossible. …… In reference to the limited demand, I do not believe it has exceed two, or at most three chests per day at any time since the arrival of the vessels. In a former report I stated that but few restrictions existed and none of these affecting the staple articles of British commerce. Any danger at Foochow to the legal trade does not arise from vexatious restrictions or prohibitions, but from too great laxity in collecting the duties, a slovenly mode of transacting all custom-house business, and I fear venalty on the part of subordinates. The mischief of this state of things is considerable, especially in reference to vessels not sailing under the British Flag. At Amoy I found it necessary to remonstrate against the most open smuggling of a Spanish Vessel nearly opposite the Custom house, and here an American vessel of 1200 tons returned her tonnage at 350 and paid her dues accordingly. British vessels and merchants if subjected to such unfair competition, must necessarily be greatly prejudiced. Direct evidence however in such cases is exceedingly difficult of attainment, it being obviously the interest of both parties to keep every one in ignorance of the nature of the transactions. 　　　　3. Price of labour. Food. Clothing. Value of houses. Rent. Land Investment. Profit. …… 　　The state of population which this may indicate cannot be deducted from these facts alone, further than the conclusion which I think it may be assumed fully to establish, that the amount of capital employed in the payment of labor, and the relative proportion of the population working for hire, have not for a considerable period undergone any great change. The absolute amount of capital so invested, or number of the labouring population cannot be estimated without information which has been found unattainable, whether both have increased, been stationary, or decreased, can only be surmised from other evidence of a less precise kind. It seems probable however from many circumstances that there has been ittle progress in either direction. Respecting the relative amounts of capital annually invested in trade, in houses, in land, it is equally difficult to arrive at satisfactory or conclusive data. Of the existence of floating and unemployed capital various evidences meet the eye, nearly the whole of one long street is occupied by shops well stored with objects of curiosity and fantasy. ……These shops can only be supported by Chinese purchasers, who must in considerable number therefore posssess superfluous money to lay out on such objects. By such casual evidence must opinions be formed of the wealth or poverty of the land, for the official Authorities make no display beyond their personal dress, but live with the least possible ostentation, with ragged attendants, and in a house or rather a set of rambling halls and rooms, as bare of luxury or even frniture, as barns in England. It would appear to be as dangerous, or at least impolitic, for persons in office to give token of wealth, as for private individuals, for the former are liable for the sake of that wealth to have disgrace brought upon them, and the latter be mulcted by an ingenious pretext of making them buy a consignment of salt, for which they are compelled to pay the Authorities at an arbitrary rate; to be sold again for what they can get, often less than they have been obliged to give. And as these taxes are generally levied, upon reputed wealthy traders, they no doubt operate in limiting the amount of capital invested in commerce. Hence land is found to be the most general investment of capital, men investing money in trade seem to be considered in much the same light as mere speculator with us. Land also is preferred to houses, as less liable to deterioration and the accumulation of bad debts, and if affording smaller returns, yet the reduced amount is compensated by the greater security. These opinions have a constant tendency to divert capital from trade, and as those desiring land become thus a very numerous class, the minute subdivision of landed property is the inevitable result. …… 　　In conclusion, I would only observe that the mass of the people are very far from exhibiting the depressed and starving state which would indicate a decided or rapid retrograde course in wealth and the powers of production. Among the artizans, shopkeepers, and inferior class of laborers there seems to be considerable activity, the shops are generally well stocked, numerously attended, and a onsiderable daily traffic may be observed in streets. The largest stores where the greatest quantities of goods are lodged have their entrance into bye streets, rather calculated to elude than to attract observation. But these goods frequently change hands, and I believe there is no doubt pass rapidly into the interior, thus affording strong presumptive evidence of the existence of a large inland trade, which is further confirmed by the numerous Junks and boats which enter the River and may be traced above the bridge along the windings of the stream, until it is lost between the mountains that gird in the Valley of the Min. …… 　　Even now however our superior machinery chiefly enables us successfully to compete with the manufacturers of China, for in other respects they have immense advantages over us. The raw produce they draw from their own soil, the labor that works it is cheaper, and the charges of freight, insurance commission &c., are all avoided. Of the two great means indeed by which labour may be be facilitated and the wealth of a country increased; the better division and combination of employments and the more extensive and judicious application of capital in individual undertakings, the Chinese generally, appear to be inferior only in the latter. A curious exemplification of the superior power the latter gives, may be traced in the progress of affairs at the rival ports of Canton and Shanghae. Canton men, by long intercourse and traffic with European Nations, are considerably in advance of the traders at all the other Ports in this last qualification, and hence Shanghae, although enjoying immense natural advantages, with British capital and enterprise knocking at her gates for admission, has been indebted to the intervention of Canton brokers, hitherto found indispensable if not the development of her suddenly extended trade. The want of this advantage constitutes the first and chief difficulty to be overcome at Foo-chow, great command and better application of capital is required among the Chinese. In the distribution of employments and the subdivision of labor the Chinese here, as I believe elsewhere, have little to learn from the English. The facility of exchange, another vivifying principle of industry, and essential to the most effective employment of capital, is somewhat clogged by the want of a circulating medium of a common and recognized interchangeable value. Foo-chow shares this to a certain extent with all China, but in a diminished degree, having the advantage of limited Paper Currency for all transactions which do not extend beyond the limits of the Port itself. The general accuracy of the information on this subject conveyed in a former Report has not been shaken by any subsequently acquired. Foo-chow is almost wholly deficient in local manufactures, tho' rich in natural produce fit for export: The condition most essential for the success of British Trade at a Port. …… 　　If this deficiency in local manufactures on the one hand renders Foo-chow wholly dependent upon supplies from abroad, it tends on the other to promote a commercial spirit, and to sustain a large trade in the manufactured products in which they are deficient. This state of things ought to form an important element of success. To follow out this view reference must be made to the returns of Native Trade, when it will be seen that the natural results of the state of population here described exist, and are susceptible of demonstration. 　　　　4. Custom House Returns of the Seaboard Native Trade of Foo-chow. 　　The nature and extent of the commercial transactions of Foo-chow, and the amount of capital invested in the Seaboard and Inland traffic are matters so intimately connected with the extent and nature of the demand at present existing and hereafter to be anticipated for British goods; and the consequent success or failure of the Port as a Market for European trade, that they could not fail very early to attract my serious attention. ……The condensed summary of the Native Trade of the Port during the Chinese Year 1844-5 founded upon Custom House returns and the other official documents, furnishes a more correct view than I was enabled to transmit under Enclosure No. 1, in my former Report. ……Instead of 1,050 Junks being the number employed, 2,563 are returned as having entered the Port and be reported at the Custom House. Of the annual value of this trade an approximation may be obtained, so far as the seaboard only is concerned by the detailed Returns and accompanying astracts of the trade during the six months ending 31st December, 1845, and this may also be fairly assumed to have been understated in the previous Report. I conceive it cannot be estimated at less than Eight million dollars, say a million and a half sterling. But this it will be seen does not include any trade by inland transit. All the manufactured silks, the cotton fabrics and yarn, chiefly British, from Amoy, via Changchow and Chuenchow(Chinchew), and woolen from Russia, via Ningpo, the product in which English merchants are interested, do not enter by Sea. The greater part are transported by land partly to avoid imminent risk from Pirates, with which the Coast is infested. Some cottons woolens and possibly silks find their way into the River by Junks, but as they do not appear in the returns it is obvious that they are smuggled. The inland transit trade therefore is neither the least important in amount or interest, but a close approximation to accuracy as to the quantities and values of these goods which are thus brought into Foochow, can only be obtained with much labor and difficulty, even of such as pay duties; and extensive smuggling is not confined to the river or carried on overland only for opium. Nevertheless I hope at no distant period to be enabled to present returns which will supply data for a correct judgment on the amount of this inland trtaffic, for the present I can only venture to say that there is abundant evidence of a very large importation of manufactured goods, if compelled to hazard an estimate I should certainly not place the value of these at less than two million dollars per annum. It has therefore been correctly stated in a preceding section that Foochow is wholly dependent upon Foreign supplies of manufactured produce. Although the evidence of this fact will not be found in the returns now under consideration for the reasons just given, yet that cotton fabrics must form an importation needs not demonstration, where there is a population of at least half a million dependent upon them for their usual clothing, their own provinces producing no raw material, and being equally deficient in manufactories of any extent. 　　　　Imports 　　Raw Cotton …… 　　…… 　　The Loo Choo junks are not enumerated nor indeed are they entered at the Custom house as trading vessels, two or at most three junks each year enter the port to bring tribute chiefly of sulphur and every five years with this and other articles an Embassy proceeds to Pekin. At each annual voyage they bring about twenty thousand dollars in specie for the purchase chiefly of our manufactured goods. It is shown by the Summary that salt, peas, and Shangtung produce, saltfish sugar and sugar candy are the chief imports by sea these products alone employing 1921 of the total number of 2563 junks and of the remaining number 360 arrived in ballast from Ningpo. 　　　　Exports The whole of the junks entering the Port are reported to return with cargoes to judge by the Summary of the detailed returns for six months of more than equivalent value. The exports consist of Spars and beams, paper, bamboo roots, bamboo comb, thses are the four staple articles and in the September quarter alone amounting to $ 1,249,358; or more than 6/7 of the total value of produce and manufactures exported. The Spars and beams form an item of more than half the whole sum or $ 771,933. Tobacco, preserves, and dried fruits are the only remaining exports exceeding $ 6000 in amount in the quarter, and the majority of those not here specified are of exceedingly small amount. Teas does not appear among the enumerated articles of export, a cetain quantity is however sent out clandestinely. I have myself seen a Ningpo junk taking part of her cargo in tea. In a former report I submitted the necessary facts to show that the whole province of the Bohea hills is within five days water carriage from Foo-chow, that the growers and traders were able and willing to bring it to this Market in preference to carrying it a Twenty days journey to Canton, and that they had stated their had stated their ability to sell it at a reduction of 20 per cent, from the reduced charges of transport and transit duties, and their diminished expenses of every kind owing to the proximity of the market to their homes. For the Foreign market, hitherto only inferior qualities have been brought from the hills, nor could other than this be expected, after my warning, added to the doubts of the dealers in Tea, that there would probably be few purchasers the first year after my arrival. It promises well I think that about 2000 Chests of any kind were actually brought down on so uncertain a venture. The small purchase of 1000 Chests actually made I have understood to be considered cheap at Canton and Hong Kong, and the greater portion of this quantity was purchased in barter against British goods. Sufficient evidence is furnished by these Returns that the native seaboard trade is considerable, extending along the coast from Shangtung to Loo Choo, Formosa and Singapore. The amount of capital engaged is far from insignificant and sufficiently indicating great resources. It has also been shown that the consumption of our manufactured goods is large, and that the market for them extends far into the interior. Upon these facts the question naturally suggests itself. What exists to prevent this Port ranking with Canton and Shanghae as a market of equal importance for a barter trade in British goods and the natural produce of this Province, Black Tea ? The disposition of British Merchants to work in the field opened to them by Treaty and the subsequent efforts of the British Government, is no doubt the immediate cause of the present absence of Foreign trade, but this reluctance or indisposition must have a cause, probably more than one is in operation, and to this enquiry the concluding section is devoted. 　　　　5. Inquiry into the different degrees of progress observable in the Consular Ports, and the prevailing causes of success and failure. …… 　　It will ultimately be seen that the prospects of this port are closely connected with the employment of capital at others, and their prosperity or want of trade, and that the result of the attempts made here to open a trade, cannot be correctly estimated without reference to the general consideration involved in such review. …… 　　Of the three ports enjoying proximity to districts producing staple articles of export, one possessed in pre-eminent degree the additional benefit of a geographical position. Situated near the confluence of the Yang-tze-keang and the grand Canal, the two great articles of China and the high road to Pekin; near to Soochow and Nanking, at the opening of the richest and largest campaign Country in the world. To whatever extent the whole of that vast and wealthy district, nourrished by the largest river and canal communication in China, could find exchangeable commmodity, whether sycee, silk, or tea, to that extent might trade anticipated: this alone seemed to be the measure or the limit of demand for our goods; and Shanghae has fully realized the promises of her position. But how ? The first vessel that entered the Woosung after the Port was officially opened lay two months without being able to sell a single piece of cotton. Thenceforth and down to the present time, the trade of Shanghae has been in the hands, and conducted by the intermediation of Canton Brokers. Four months ago a Correspondent of the local papers wrote from Shanghae for the information of the Mercantile Community that“most of the business is conduced through two Canton men who have established themselves as brokers. Other native Hongs show an inclination to come forward and act for themselves using some of the Canton men as Interpreters.” With preponderating advantages of proximity to natural produce for export, to river and canal routes, and to great and flourishing Cities, the trade of Shanghae has owed its prompt development to three or four Canton brokers; the native merchants at the end of two years are still in the back ground,‘only showing an inclination to come forward.’ In this may be read the history of the failure if Amoy, Foochow, and Ningpo; for failures hitherto they must all three be considered. From these two pregnant facts we may learn how vain it is to hope, for the spontaneous and unassisted development of a large foreign trade at Chinese Ports, be their natural advantages or their resources what they may. Even British capital and enterprise seemed threatened with failure, and stood indebted for a prosperous issue to a third element of success; the intervention of Chinese trained in the only native school in China for large commercial transactions. It appears clear therefore, that the essential elements of success at the Consular Ports are several. The monopoly of political relations made the trade of Canton, which only developed its great resources by very slow degrees. To make all that has been made at Amoy, with its advantages of geographical position, English capital and perseverance have been employed, and with but a very poor return. To create in Shanghae a Northern rival to Canton in the magnitude of its dealings, these elements have been combined, and a third and a fourth added. To geographical advantage of position in the highest degree, to local advantages of inland water routes, the largest and most frequented in China; to British capital overflowing its channels, and English Merchants bent with characteristic energy on finding profitable investment for their money, was joined the third, proximity to districts producing a great staple article of export. Still with these three advantages, commanding and preponderating as they were, the history of its progress shows, that a fourth was indispensable; the intervention and assistance of Canton Brokers. In other words there was found a necessity for the co-operation and aid of Chinese familiar with the large and comprehensive mode of dealing, the concentration and employment of great capital in the development of native resources, habitual indeed to the trading communities of Europe, but wholly unknown and unpractised by any Chinese, but those of Canton. If to British capital employed in sustaining well directed efforts to open a trade at this Port, intervention and assistance were to be added, such as Shanghae found so essential; then without the commanding geographical advantage of that trade, the means of shipping on favorable terms the great bulk of the largest and the most valuable Export England takes from China. Foochow it may safely be predicted, in despite of all minor disadvantages, would take her place in leading rank with Canton and Shanghae. Will these conditions of success be ultimately obtained, and what are the prospects of such a combination ? These are questions of immediate and pressing interest, but for their satisfactory answer it will be necessary to look around, to leave the physical and the geographical features of the Country, and turn for guiding indications to the spirit which animates the trade in China, influencing its tendencies and in no small degree governing the results, for good or evil. …… 　　The physiological fact, as it has been not inaptly termed, that the Tea plant which has become so necessary to an Englishman's daily life has been cultivated in China, and in no other country or climate with equal success, it cannot be doubled, has given the peculiar and engrossing interest which marks our relations with the Chinese. In a similar manner the passion for Opium, which has rendered that drug so necessary to the daily life of a Chinese, joined to the rigid prohibition of its cultivation in China, lends another feature of prominent and peculiar character to our relations, political and commercial, linking in close bonds our Indian Empire and its Government, in the great interests at stake. Upon these two great objects of our traffic, the export on the one side, and the import on the other, are based the gigantic enterprises of British Merchants in this quarter of the globe, which give profitable employment to nearly Ten Millions sterling annually, to the Home Government of little less than Five Millions; and to the East India Company on Opium, nearly two millions. These two staple articles of Commerce, the one legitimate and the other, in China, wholly illegal; lie at the root of all our great commercial interests here: Of sufficient magnitude to yield a Revenue to the British Empire of Seven Millions, little less than on seventh of the whole of our annual revenue, and a third of the empire produce of our Customs. A most important share therefore of the Revenue of England, no less than of India, is contributed by the trade of China in these two products exclusively. All other trade English or Indian here, is in subservience to these, vastly inferior in value, and, it must needs[sic] be, contingent upon their permanence and success. The Raw Cotton, and other lesser exports from India, our doubtless of considerable value; and to the English exports in cotton fabrics and yarns, are we indebted for the employment of a large number of our operatives, and the prosperity of a part of our manufacturers. Both in the origin and the progress of these branches of our trade with China, it is clearly shown, that they were incidental and subservient, first to the trade in Tea, and subsequently to that in Opium. And if it be true, as a high authority has lately stated that‘we are more dependent than any other great people upon external trade for the employment of our population’it is painful to observe how intimately this portion of it is mixed up, and identified, with an illicit trade in a product, only introduced into China by fraud and violence. The Opium trade is of necessity inimical and opposed to the enlargement of our manufacturing trade: so long, at least as it is an illicit trade in China. Our great staple articles of export from China, Tea and Silk, so important in their value, especially the former, as to reduce every other to comparative insignificance, are all that we can take from the Chinese in exchange for our cotton fabrics, yarns, and woolens. And were these all we were anxious to exchange against their tea and silk, the field for the extension of our manufacturing trade would be ample as could be desired; but from our Indian Empire come in direct and disastrous competition raw cotton and opium; the first tending to diminish the demand for the manufactured product, by supplying the raw material at a cheap rate; and the last to such amount, and with such irresistible attractions, that in spite of the large and steadily increasing demand on our part, for teas and silk, we find it difficult to maintain a very limited share of the trade in this profitable market, and to dispose of something less than, two millions of our fabrics, often at barely remunerating prices. Even this amount is realized against the pressure of nearly Six millions of Opium and Cotton, the former, in spite of edicts and proclamations, finding a ready sale at every Port and harbour on the Eastern coast, and not received in exchange for other products, but for sycee and dollars alone. With such competition it behoves those interested in the market for manufactured produce to look keenly before them, to allow no advantage to escape, and to make every exertion to find new vents for the produce of our looms, new and, if possible, more favourable markets for the purchase of the native produce of China. This is not the course adopted by the Mercantile Community in this country. To watch the direction of the efforts made, the opinions expressed, and the nature of the operations most actively engaged in, a stranger would be disposed to consider the leading mercantile firms at Hong Kong and Canton, not as General merchants anxious for the extension of markets for European produce, but dealers in opium exclusively. This affords an explanation why the limited transactions of an opening trade at a new Port, and the small returns on our cotton fabrics are slighted; why the Port of the Green Tea District is left unworked, and the Port of the Black Tea province is equally disregarded; while the only earnest effort made in reference to the new Ports, tends to create at Shanghae, a large and preponderating trade in tea and silk. The annual increase shown in our demand for tea, will tend no doubt to facilitate the disposal of our manufactured goods, and create a larger demand among the Chinese; but scarcely will this outbalance the progressive, and disproportionate increase, in the importation of Opium. So in like manner the increased demand on our side for another article of the raw produce of China, Silk, promotes that end, and, in this point of view, Shanghae seems to be particularly valuable. But so long as we sell the Chinese cotton fabrics and woolens from England, and raw cotton and opium from India, to the amount of nearly Ten Millions sterling, and only purchase of their tea and raw silk to the amount of Five, or even Six millions sterling, this country suffers a very heavy drain of Silver, which she must make good from some other source while it is the only exchangeable commodity China can offer for opium. The Chinese must either sell more of their products than we have hitherto had occasion to take; or, which seems to be the most probable result, she must curtail her own purchases in manufactured goods; in raw cotton; or, in opium. In which of these articles the curtailment is likely to take place, unless human nature is different in China from the rest of the world, these can be little doubt. The trade in opium must therefore be at the expense of our trade in manufactured goods, the branch of the commerce from which English and Chinese alike derive the greatest benefit. And when we see that the trade which employs our looms, and furnishes a new market for our pent up industrial produce, which clothes the Chinese with a cheaper and better fabric, than with his imperfect machinery he can weave for himself, is sacrificed to an illicit trade in opium, it may well be asked, for whose advantage ? That which has been said of War may with still greater force apply to the illicit traffic in Opium. ‘It is the loss of the many for the gain of the few,’the gainers may be counted by units the losers number Millions, to the Chinese, whatever might be its influence if a legal trade, as a smuggling traffic, it is undoubtedly a costly indulgence, which cripples their resources individually and nationally, while it perpetually involves them in trouble, and overshadows with risk all our relations, political and commercial. To whichever way we turn, evil of some kind connected with this monstrous smuggling trade and monopoly of large houses, meets our eye and caims attention, but one of the most important of these yet remains to be noticed, with its influence upon the new Ports. Speculations in opium partake more of the risk and excitement of gambling, than regular trade, and is attended with the usual results, a disinclination for more slow and less existing modes of realizing profits, a contempt for the regular, but smaller and slower returns, of more legitimate trade. Each day tends to reduce those to the limits compatible with the rate of profit on the employment of capital in other parts of the world, the fruit here as elsewhere of a superabundance, and keen competition, not only among our own merchants but with the Americans, who come unfettered by heavy taxes and with many considerable advantages, not always of the most legitimate kind, into the Chinese Market. Hence the often repeated complaint, more especially directed to the three new Ports, which as yet have not had their resources developed; that the dealings are limited, the openings for trade insignificant, the profits small. There may be much truth in the statement, so far as the particular fact is concerned. It would appear that this has been the general cry of the mercantile community in China since the opening of the Trade and the new Ports, under the Treaty. Notwithstanding official returns prove that trade has rapidly and largely extended, there are and have been loud complaints of dullness of trade, heavy markets, and no returns, as though the Merchants were being ruined, or at least found it no longer possible to make money. No doubt it is found very difficult to make as much as fomerly, or realize fortunes with as much celerity. It has been well observed by a Political economist that when profit diminishes, merchants are very apt to complain that Trade decays, though the diminution of profit, which is the real grievance, is the natural effect of its prosperity, or of a greater stock being employed in it than before. They must now toil longer, risk more, and win less; increased capital and competition, and applies to Foochow, as it does especially to all new and untried ports. These circumstances may, and probably do imply, a redundancy of capital beyond what they can employ with large profits, but it by no means indicates any diminution of trade, the official returns too strongly and distinctly negative such an assumption. It is to be feared however that as the profits of a legitimate trade diminish, the desire increases for the larger gains of transactions partaking more of the character of speculations and stock jobbing a gambling. Opium, and the mode in which dealings in such stock are transacted, meets this want and offers the required inducement of large and sometimes inordinate profits. In proportion as such commercial operations are entered into, the indisposition will be greater to work a new market, with its long waitings and its slow and small returns: and this it seems to me is the prevailing spirit of Trade in China at the present time, and one of the most influential causes of the nearly total absence of all effort, to develope the resources the new Ports may be shown to possess. The glut of British goods, the heavy state of the Markets at Canton and Shanghae, have no doubt had their share in exercising a similiar influence upon the new Ports; contrary to the common, but I think fallacious, view of the favourable tendency of such a depressed state. Merchants like other men, are never less disposed to lock up their money in tedious transactions, or run the risks of doubtful investments, than when they crippled and embarrassed by the difficulty of avoiding serious loss in the ordinary current of their business: they are most enterprising when most successful. Business at Shanghae, though temporarily heavy, still presented the means of turning, in a more or less speculative manner, large sums, it was moreover the only great open market besides Canton, to which Merchants could look, for any speedy recovery of funds jeopardised by inadequate prices, and the absence of Returns: Such inducements were wanting at the remaining three ports. If these view be correct, they seem to afford a clear explanation of all that on a more superficial glance might appear inexplicable, in the diverse results attending the opening of the four new Ports. I believe them also calculated to throw light upon the future prospects of the three central Ports, which have hitherto been made productive of little advantage to British Trade: Nothing can be less encouraging than the legitimate inferences to be drawn from these premises. So long as an impression could prevail, that vicinity to the place of production of one of the great staple articles of export, and the employment of British capital, sufficed to make a great market and successful port; so long good grounds of hope existed for Foochow and Ningpo, the former still more especially, from its geographical position. Placed too far from Shanghae and from Canton, to fear the competition arising from immediate proximity, Foochow is well situated to form a link between the Northern and Southern Provinces, and to attract to it, as the Metropolis of the two Provinces of Fokien and Chekeang, the chief trade of both. I think it has been satisfactorily shown by reference to Shanghae, that other elements are required to ensure success, than were advantages of natural produtions and geographical position: and in reference to the present tendencies, and the direction of all commercial enterprise in China, it seems not less clearly demonstrable, that even other essential conditions, such as the application of British Capital and energy, are little likely to be supplied, in such degree as to be useful. …… 　　The interests of Canton and Shanghae opposed to each other, are nevertheless equally enlisted against Foochow, both on the English and Chinese side. That is, the one desires to retain the Black Tea of the Bohea Hills for its market, the other to draw it North. To the one, it is the very life of its commercial greatness, to the other, it is the only element wanting to a gigantic and overgrown preponderance closely resembling, as the foregoing facts must show, the commercial monopoly so long enjoyed, from the peculiar and exclusive policy of the Chinese Government, by its great Southern rival. Already unless I am misinformed, large and tempting offers have been made by British houses at Shanghae to purchase 40,000 Catties of raw Silk, at the Chinese Merchant's price, on condition that they establish a direct communication with the Bohea hills this season and bring down chops of Tea. This is a bold and promising effort to realize the only great desideratum yet wanting to that Port, and conceived in the same well advised spirit, in a commercial sense, which led to the sacrifice of profits on a large consignment of goods at the opening of the Port, with a view to undersell every other competing market, native or foreign, and thus cut off the supplies which lessened the demand. Measures such as these, unhesitatingly and firmly carried out, with ample capital, seem well calculated to insure success. It may however be questioned whether, if the object of the British and Chinese, who are concentrating their means and combining their efforts at Shanghae, were attained, British interests and British commerce would not grievously suffer. If, as I think it may be clearly shown, each new market opened in China is the extension of our trade in manufactured goods, any policy, or series of efforts that would curtail their number, or render merely nominal several of the open Ports, to the exclusive advantage of one, would have a suicidal tendency: It would be in effect to retrograte to the compulsory state of things from which the late war and our Treaties emancipated the Western world, merely substituting for Canton, Shanghae. Among other results it must greatly tend to diminish the importance of our colonial Possession in the Chinese seas, maintained at great expense for the benefit and protection of British Interests. Whatever contributes to the success of such efforts therefore is, I conceive, to be viewed with regret. Regarding the exclusive and monopolising success of any one port as an injury and broadest aspect, and a source of weakness even in our political relations. I look upon the question of the success or failure of this Port, the legitimate and mmost favourable market for the Chinese great export; as one involving interests far greater than at first sight may appear to attach, to the existience or non-existence of a fifth Consular open Port. This I trust may be received as some excuse for the length to which these observations have extended, and the wideness of the scope, not without reluctance, adventured on. …… 　　If the root of the evil be correctly assigned, as I am deeply persuaded, to the illegal traffic in Opium, and its unavoidable and necessary effects, the legalization of this traffic by the Chinese government seems to offer the most, perhaps the only practicable means, by legislation, of diminishing, if not removing the mischievous tendencies which now pervade the commerce of the two countries. By this measure, the license the opium traffic gives to all smuggling would be withdrawn, the trade would cease to be one of opium against silver, it would fall into the usual channels, and became a barter trade. To this it is rapidly tending even now, from the necessity experienced of finding other returns, than sycee for opium. Thus the inevitable course of the evil is working itself a partial cure. The danger of any disturbance or interruption to our friendly relations with the Chinese from this cause, would cease, and if we continued to be looked upon as sellers of opium, we should at least escape the general odium attached to smugglers. The better instruction of the commercial Community as to the resources of the untried Ports, and increased facilities of communication, by the establishment of a regular bi-monthly overland post between all the Ports from Canton to Foochow and thence to Shanghae, would I conceive further tend, to turn the attention of the merchants upon the chain of Ports, rather than upon one or two exclusively. This last means is merely glanced at, as I propose to take an early opportunity of submitting, with the necessary details, a plan for consideration by which both the practicability and the expediency of bi-monthly post may I trust be shown. ……The conviction I expressed in a former report of the great resources of the Port, and the advantages it offers to British merchants, has only been more strongly confirmed, by time and better means of information. Were I guided by these considerations alone, therefore, my anticipations must be favourable, and the success of the Port, as a great mart for the exchange of Tea and English cotton fabrics, would seem little less than certain. Twelve months devoted to a certain observation of the general progress and direction of trade in China, and the feeble and ill sustained efforts hitherto made to open a large trade here, have led me to investigate closely the adverse influences to which this untoward result is to be attributed; and those I have endeavored to show are such as to the issue. Nevertheless, I do not wholly despair of seeing Foochow become a great and important depot for Tea, although whatever is deferred, in the present aspect and tendencies of trade, must be regarded as more or less uncertain. Great success is in truth doubtful, because it appears remote, while the current of trade in China, largely engaged in opium transactions, sets strongly in favor of Shanghae and Canton, to the prejudice of all other Ports not offering, like those, large and ready formed fields for the advantageous employment of superabundant capital. 【5】　…… 　　The decrease in Trade is generally ascribed to want of Capital, caused in the first instance by over trading. Promissory notes are current among the Trading Community to a great extent, and may be issued by any firm, their private credit and security being the only guarantee. These are given at from 1 to 2 month's sight, for from 100 to 500 Dollars, and paid at an increase upon the original price of the goods thus bought, of from 10 to 20 per Cent. according to the extent of sight granted. Another feature in the Trade is, that nearly the whole of the Merchants carrying at Fuhchow are natives of other countries or provinces−Agents sent from other places to transact the affairs of their respective Firms at Fuhchow. They are therefore to a certain extent, a fluctuating Community keeping most of the capital amongst themselves so that little actually belongs to the place itself. The native merchants of Fuhchow are few in number, and what business they may contrive to transact is comparatively of trifling extent. Should any be found to possess Capital or means, he presents at once a conspicuous object to the Government, who immediately secure him to undertake the sale of their salt. “The Northern merchants,”−a general appellation given to the traders from Ningpo, Chapoo, Shanghae, &c.−form by far the major portion, and are the most affluent of the community. The numerous Ningpo Junks entering in Ballast are sent to them for Cargoes of Timber, much of which they purchase with ready money, previously transmitted to them by overland conveyance. Could they find purchasers they would send more goods, which are of limited consumption. At present, the Commerce of Fuhchow as a Trade, bears the general name of being dull and unthriving. …… 　　The trade is divided into six channels, in each of which a distinct body of merchants is engaged, who closely confine themselves to their respective Department. 1st. Provincial,−With the Northern Departments of Yenpingfoo, Shaouwoofoo, Keenningfoo, including Tingchowfoo, and Fuhningfoo. 2nd. With the Southern Departments of Changchowfoo, Tsuenchowfoo, Hinghwafoo, Lungyenchow, Yungchunchow & Formosa. 3rd. Seaboard with Chekeang as Ningpo, Chapoo, Shihpoo, the various Islands of the Chusan Archipelago, and also Shanghae. 4th. With Inland Provinces, as Keangse, Hookwang, Szechuen, Shense, &c. 　5th. By seaboard northerly. with the provinces of Shantung and Chihle. 6th. Southerly, with the Kwangtung Province, Siam, and the Straits, &c. 　　The first may justly be considered the most important branch of the Commerce. Fuhchowfoo, whether as regards Produce or Manufactures has very little to offer itself, and draws chiefly all its supplies wherewith to furnish return Cargoes from the upper Departments of the Province. It is there, that by far the staple article of the Trade, spars, are grown, & floated down the Min to Fuhchow in immense quantities, from thence to be sent to all the places and provinces around. They consist of two descriptions of pine; the most common kind which is in general use for all purpose, is deal of a very soft and poor quality; the other, but which is not nearly so plentiful, is red pitch pine, a good and durable material, and used extensively for the Mast of Cargo Junks, and building where wood of superior quality is required. All the Northern Departments of this Province are exceedingly hilly, & forest of pine meet the eye in every direction. Judging from the exportation, the quantity grown must be very great, though as a material most of the Spars possess only cheapness to recommend them. Together with the pine, the bamboo flourishes most luxuriantly in those regions; numerous rafts of it are sent down, ……and form an extensive article of Export. The Abstract accompanying the Returns of Native Trade, contain a full and precise list of all the articles of Export, in which the trade consists, and which with the exception of a few trifles are all furnished by these upper Departments. A reference to those papers will also enable one to form a more certain confecture of the amount of trade done in each article than any other data that after much research we have been able to collect. ……The bamboo growing so spontaneously, a great deal of coarse paper is manufactured from it, & very extensively exported. …… 　　…… 　　This Trade is in the hands of natives from the various Departments, the mostly keep establishments at Fuhchow. Rafts of spars are continually sent down at all seasons of the year, by natives of the Districts where they are produced, & who, if their business is not extensive, often accompany their stock, sell it themselves, and purchase goods in return. 　　The Trade with the Southern Departments is by no means so extensive as that of the Northern ones, as it only sends goods for the consumption of Fuhchow, and its neighbouring districts. 　　…… 　　The Trade with Ningpo, Chapoo, &c. rank next to if not equal in extent to, that with the Upper Departments. It is a conbination of branches, as almost all of considerable Importation of Shantung Produce are sent vi} Ningpo, the shallow navigation of the Min, not permitting the access of the large Northern Junks. ……The Ningpo Junks bear a proportion of upwards of 6/10 of the whole number entering the Port, but in this is included all the vessels bringing saltfish, who coming from the numerous islands of the Chusan Archipelago, report themselves as from Ningpo, in which department the former are situated. These importations of salt fish are very considerable; much is sent to the upper departments and junks are generally provisioned. ……Very many of the Junks from Ningpo have to enter in Ballast, and are sent expressly for Cargoes of wood. This at first sight surprises us when we notice the large Balance in favour of Exports, and leads us to the conclusion that this great defalcation must be made up by the inland traffic, by which route all the more valuable goods, as silk piece goods, and fine cloth from Soochow, paper fans and all fancy articles, as well as most of the common cotton cloth, are sent, in consequence of the iminent risk to which they would be exposed by sea from the depredatory attacks of pirates, which renders it necessary for Junks with even ordinary cargoes to prosecute their voyages in fleets. 　　…… 　　There is a good deal of Trade with Kwangtung, both by maritime navigation and Inland Transit. As the goods sent by the former route−pepper, rattans, and Strait's Produce in general−form very valuable cargoes, and are consequently subjected to heavy charges, very little is done openly. Junks from Kwangtung thus laden therefore, seldom or never are reported at the Custom House, but having arrived outside the Woofoomun, local vessels are always found ready to relieve them of the chief part of their freight, when perhaps they may follow and enter as binging sugar, betel nuts, and a few sundries. From 20 to 30 Junks come thus in the course of the year from the Shaouping and Haetang Districts in the Department of Chaouchow.(lat. 23ﾟ36' N. long. 17ﾟ6' E.) 　　…… 　　There can be no doubt but that there is much done between Fuhchow & Canton by overland conveyance, and chiefly in foreign manufactures. Nothing satisfactory has yet been ascertained as to the amount, and so much of it, it seems is transacted illicitly that even the Custom House can supply no conclusive data. A great deal of glass, copper ware, Jade stone, and other fancy articles are also sent. The Route lies by Amoy, from thence by sea for about 80 le to Shihma, and thence by land direct to Canton. From the above it will be seen that Fuhchow possesses a wide communication with many parts of the Empire, and as may reasonably be concluded affords a good field for the disposal of our manufactures. Giving to the Amoy market the more southern departments, Fuhchow would supply two thirds of Fuhkeen, a province of no mean extent calculated as it has been at 53,480 square miles and containing 15 million of inhabitants. It may also send much out of its own confines into Keangse, and the Western Provinces. 　　…… 【6】　His Excellency S. G. Bonham, Esquire CB. Her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary, &c., &c., &c. British Consulate Foochow, 28 November 1850. Sir, 　　It may not be out of place to announce to Your Excellency the arrival of two Loochoo Junks at Foochow, laden, besides sundry articles of native produce as Tribute and Presents, with a Cargo consisting of the items, likewise, contained in the translated Schedule of Imports, which I crave permission to inclose. The Loochoo Trade with China is restricted to this Port, and rest in the hands of ten special Brokers, who conduct it on a similar system to the exclusive Hong system formerly in practise at Canton. These Junks visit this Port annually at this Period with an Official supercargo on board, and do not leave for Loochoo until May or June next, on the return of their tribute-bearer from Pekin. Amongst their exports, independently of Tea, Silk piece-goods, quantities of medicinal drugs and other produce of China, British manufactures, both woollen and cotton of an assorted kind in respect of quality and color, form an item, as well for home consumption as for re-exportation to Japan. An extended latitude of Commerce and intercourse with China, comprizing it's dependancies, whilst, vanquishing the present timidity of the Loochooans of Foreign intercourse,(which, I have forgotten to add, a future revision of the Treaty will accomplish) will open a fresh outlet for British Manufactures, and may lead to the introduction, and consumption, of them into Japan. Should Your Excellency have any despatches &c. to convey to Mr. Missionary Bettelheim at Napa, after whom, recollect, Your Excellency, made inquiries when at Ningpo, three years ago, they could be dispatched to him by the return Junks, through the medium of the Chinese Authorities here, who undertake their safe transmission and delivery. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Most Obedient Humble Servant Chars. A. Sinclair Schedule of Tribute, Presents of Congratulation, &c. imported on board two Loochoo Junks, presented for the inspection of the Authority of Foochow by Chin-hio-hiai, Linguist-Supercargo from Loochoo; vizt:(1) Junk No. 1. Annual Tribute: 　　Indigenous Produce: Refined Brimstone. . . . . . . . . . . . 6300 catties Brass. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1500 do. Refined white pewter. . . . . . . . . . . 500 do. ｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢ Presents of Congratulation on the occasion of the accession of the new Emperor: 　　Indigenous Produce: One pair of golden vases. One pair of silver do. Two Sword with gilt scabbards. Two Sword with silver scabbards. Fifty pieces superfine light yellow native Grasscloth. Fifty pieces superfine light white native Grasscloth. One hundred pieces fine delicate native cloth. One pair of door screens painted and oramented in gold. Two hundred folding paper fans of superior make. 5000 Sheets of screen paper. Brass. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .500 catties White pewter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 500 do. ｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢ Presents of Hommage to Her Majesy the Empress: One pair of golden toilet-boxes for face-powder. One pair of silver ditto. Twenty pieces of superfine prepared light yellow native Grasscloth. Twenty pieces white ditto. Forty pieces fine delicate“tseaou”cloth. Eighty paper fans of superior make. ｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢ Presented for the offering of Incense at the Tomb of the deceased Emperor: One hundred Taels of Silver Ingots. ｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢ Merchandize for Sale Three large water boilers Five small ditto. Thirty hand boxes Twenty clothes trunks Twenty leathern ditto. Eighteen copper cauldrons Thirty iron rice-pans Fifty deal trunks Shark's fins. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2500 catties Seaweed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .98000 do. Biche de Mar. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2500 do. Bird's nests. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5000 do. Paou-y{鮑魚(Fish) . . . . . . . . . . . .1000 do. Pe fa-tze〓發子(Medicinal drug). . . . . .500 catties Hia-soo-yu佳蘇魚(Fish). . . . . . . . . . 700 catties 　Shih keu石OX(Fish). . . . . . . . . . . . 170 catties Hai-man海鰻(Fish). . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 ditto. Mih-y{墨魚(Fish) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 ditto. Salt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .20 piculs Soy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Jars Wheat-soy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 ditto. Spirits. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 ditto. Bean-soy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .80 ditto. Salted-meat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 ditto. Whetstones. . . . . . . . 30 weighing 20 catties each Porkfat. . . . . . . 15 jars weighing 20 catties each ｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢ Treasure brought for purchase of goods. Out of the Royal Coffers. . . . . . . . . .5000 taels Sent by the group of the Loochoo Islands, North and South in all 36 . . . . . . . . .20,000 taels the Latter sum comprizing the sums brought by the Officers and crew of the Junk. ｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢ Armament of the Junk. 3 brass guns 3 gun carriages 27 match locks 200 catties gunpowder 230 coils rope for match lock 60 spears 20 powder flasks 2700 balls and bullets 1 telescope 25 cutlasses Cowhides - 100 hides ｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢ No. 2 Junk has the same cargo as No. 1. ｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢｢ 【7】　His Excellency Sir George Bonham, KCB, Her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary, &c., &c., &c. British Consulate Foochow, 17 June 1851. Sir, I have the honour to receive Your Excellency's Despatch No. 25 of the 29th ultimo, conveying a Ministerial Packet to the address of the High Authorities at Loo-choo, with directions to forward it to it's destination by native Junks or other craft, and to hand Your Excellency an early Report of the steps taken by me to effect that object. In Reply, I regret to have to report, that Your Excellency's Despatch did not reach me till the 14th of June, the day fixed by the Chinese Mandarins for the clearing out, and dispach of Loochoo Junks back to their Country. However, notwithstanding their preparations for departure, And in order to gain time, I at once sent the Packet, in the usual way sealed with wax, to the Weiyuen or Official Messenger for delivery to the Loochoo Officer−but, unhappily, the dealings of the Loochooans with the shore being wound up, no more parcels could be received on board without special Authority, the refusal being accompanied by the inclosed Memorandum. Under those circumstances, and imagining that probably the superscription of the Ministerial Packet had given alarm, and might be the cause of the present objection, I wrote a polite request to the Prefect Superintendent of Trade. This reply, which I have the honour to inclose with a translation, is just such a refusal as could be expected from a disobliging, but cunning, Chinese Mandarin. It forms part of that same system which has dictated the stoppage of overland-travelling between Shanghai and Ningpo, so many years the privilege of Foreigners, nor is it to be wondered at, when Mandarins see the vile conduct of the Amoy Taoutai so promptly and so signally rewarded. At this Port, a Provincial Capital, we are likely to feel it still more, in consequence of the bad odor into which the Consulate has fallen, owing to the late Shin-kwang-sze affair, which brought about the dismissal of the Chinese Magistrate. A systematic line of conduct of this kind, unmitigated by feelings of a friendly and obliging nature, will strangely tend to circumscribe the provisions of the Treaty, and will, I fear, as on the present occasion, obstruct the progress of business. Being deprived of the advantage of addressing the Governor-General an appeal for the transmission of the Ministerial Packet, and there being no other Junks of any sort which traffic between China and Loochoo, I am compelled to restore it under cover to Your Excellency, deeply lamenting the failure of my endeavours. Had I been favoured with the packet only a few days earlier, I had it in my power to conceal it in one of the numerous parcels which I have shipped for Mr. Bettelheim, although, I fear, that mode of smuggling it into the Country would not altogether have received Your Excellency's approbation. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Most Obedient humble Servant Chars. A. Sinclair Inclosure 1 in Desp. No. 25 of 1851 Translation Last night on receiving the English Despatch which you sent me for transmission by the Loochoo Officer to the High Minister at Loochoo, I ordered the attendence of the proper Linguist(Broker) and delivered it to him for transfer on board. The broker has however just brought it back to me, saying that the Loochoo Officer declines to take charge of the Despatch, because there has hitherto never been any Official Intercourse with England. This being the case, I beg to restore the said Despatch to you. True translation Chars. A. Sinclair Inclosure 2 in Desp. No. 25 of 1851 Translation Prefect Hoo, Superintendent of Trade, with Brevet rank of Taoutai, &c., &c., &c. In Official Reply. In reply to your Despatch, just received, conveying to me an Official Communication from (Viscount) Palmerston, Cabinet Minister of State of Your Hon. Country, for which you wish me to furnish the necessary Instructions to the Officer in command of the Loochoo Junks to receive it on board for delivery on his arrival back in his Country, I beg to inform you, that being charged by Imperial Command with the Superintendence of matters of Commercial Intercourse, my duty only authorizes me to take cognizance of Such Official concerns as may arise between my own Country and England. The established Regulations not empowering me to accept, or to give authority for the transmission of any Official Correspondence between your Hon. Nation and any other Kingdom, I felt myself compelled to return (this morning) by the Consular Messenger the original packet to be restored to you. To Sinclair, Consulate Interpreter in charge of British Consulate Dated 16 June 1851 True translation Chars. A. Sinclair 【8】　His Excellency Sir George Bonham, KCB, Her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary, &c., &c., &c. British Consulate Foochow, 18 June 1851. Sir, Bearing in mind the expressions of approbation which Your Excellency was pleased to address me on the Report I had the honor to make, in the month of November, of the Imports in the two Tribute-Junks from Loochoo, I have now much satisfaction in being able to hand Your Excellency a Return of the Cargo exported by these Junks, which left the Port yesterday to return to their Country. The purchase of goods for Loochow necessitating the visit of a Broker to Canton and Soochow, and the moderate charge of transport of merchandize, must in a measure account for a large portion of the European manufactures having been laid in at other markets than Foochow, where, I presume, the Brokers could supply themselves more readily than here, and probably at cheaper rates. It appears, on this occasion, that the Brokers deputed to these places have taken, respectively, Amoy and Shanghai in their way, and have collected their stock of goods in proportion as the difference between the market price of each place and the rates agreed to by the Loochoo Traders turned to their own profit. The Loochoo Trade has been, since a long period of years, restricted to this Port, no doubt, accordingly to the policy of the Chinese Government of confining the intercourse of Foreign Nations each to one separate Port, probably with a view to present combination of different Nations at the same Port, or to divide fairly amongst the maritime Provinces the gains arising from such commercial intercourse. Thus, we observe, that the English and the other Western people were limited to Canton - the Loochoo Trade to Foochow - the Siamese to Ningpo, and, I believe, the Coreen to a Port in Shantung. So positive are these Regulations, and so strict are the Authorities in the observance of them, that when, for instance, Loochoo Junks, with Tribute on board, happen to be blown on the Coast of another Province, they are allowed no dealing with the shore, and the Authorities send them down under escort to Foochowfoo. Ten Foochow Brokers are named for life, with the sanction of the Emperor, for the conduct of the Loochoo Trade. Similarly to the old Canton Hong system, the body of Loochoo Brokers is responsible for the failure of any one member of their body. The Office, I understand, is hereditary, and a part of their duty consists in making the reports of the Trade to Government, and in seeing that Regulation of the Port are properly attended to during the stay of the Loochoo Traders. They are men who, individually, possess no large amount of property; but they are persons acquainted with commercial matters generally, and through their semi-official situation command considerable credit. Every item of Import or Export in the Loochoo Trade is monopolized by this body of Brokers, which must place the Trade on a very unfavorable footing for Loochoo, but no doubt highly profitable to themselves. The mode of procedure on the visits of the Loochoo Tribute Junks is regulated in the following manner. On their arrival into Port, the Tribute Bearer, a Loochoo Officer of Magistrate's rank, prior to his departure to Peking, waits, according to ancient customs, on the Fantai or Minister of Finance, it would appear, that in the last Dynasty, this Province had no Governor General or Lieutenant Governor at this Port, the Minister of Finance being, at that time, the Highest Functionary in office here. The old formality, therefore, is still kept up of offering the Tribute-bearer an entertainment, which, however, the Minister of Finance does not honor with his presence; the Marine Magistrate is, generally speaking, the Mandarins deputed to do the honors to the guest. A list of the Tribute and presents, together with that of the Imports and armament of the two vessels, is handed in for the inspection of the Authorities. Their approval being obtained, the Tribute-bearer starts under escort with the Tribute to Peking, whilst authority is issued for the breaking of bulk. A list of Imports being furnished the Brokers, for the purpose of ascertaining the rates they can obtain for the cargo, compatible with the profit to themselves for their labor, they then tender in to the Loochoo Traders, according to the portion each undertakes to dispose of, the several rates which they are prepared to give, or if exports, the prices they have fixed upon to charge. The specie which the Loochoo Traders import to cover the purchase of return cargo consists of small Japanese gold coin, containing much alloy, and in the form of thin square leaves of a copper color. It being very light and portable, it is, when not converted into Sycee for payments at this port, carried by the brokers to Canton and Soochow, to be sold there. The Loochoo Trade is consequently in the hands of a stringent monopoly, which subjects the Loochoo traders to considerable losses. Should I have to suspect any inaccuracy in the inclosed Return of Exports, my doubts would be apt to fall on the prices which are quoted against the various items, which, I believe, are rated far below the prices which the brokers have charged. The sole compensation which the Loochoo Traders appear to acquire is the entire exemption of import and export duties or other charges, excepting, however, the unavoidable fees and presents to the greedy Mandarins. The reputed poverty of the Loochoo Country may cause Your Excellency to wonder at so considerable an amount of exportation; but Your Excellency should be apprized that half of it is for re-exportation to Japan on the annual Tribute visit from Loochoo to that Country, and that a portion of their own Cargo is made payable either in two months, or on the visit of the Junks in four or five months. Notwithstanding the exemption granted them of the import and export duties on unprohibited cargo, still, strange to say, not half the quantity of either cargo is accurately reported at the Customhouse. It appears to be the result of old custom, the same reports being presented every year with [？？] slight alterations - the largest portion of the goods is, if it can be so called, smuggled on board by the brokers with the knowledge of the Authorities. The reason of this however proceed from a law having been passed in former days which limited the trade with Loochoo to a certain figure. But this, and many other points of real interest, it is impossible to ascertain correctly, whilst the Chinese and Loochooans themselves study to keep Foreigners aloof from them. Their accounts being closed on the return of the Tribute bearer a few days before the sailing of the Junks, all their dealings with the shore are stopped until their next visit. But prior to their departure he obtains an interview with the Minister of Finance, in order to receive Authority to leave the Port. He is, as previously, entertained, which comes under the head of those“tender mercies and hospitality to strangers from afar”which the Chinese are so fond of quoting. On this occasion, the Tribute-bearer received a gratification of five hundred taels of Silver, paid to him out of the Treasury of this Province by Imperial Command, towards defraying his road-expenses to and from Peking. The last Ceremonial which is inflicted on the Tribute-bearer ere his departure is no less than the performance in full official Loochooan costume of the Solemn prostration, or grand kotow to Emperor (of 3 kneelings and 9 knockings of head) before an altar on which Incense is burning; it is a formality purporting to express his gratitude to the Emperor on account of the exemption of charges on his cargo and vessels, and for that reason this ceremony takes place at the Customhouse, on the river side on an elevated stand overlooking the water. But one is more inclined to view it in the light of a renewed act of obeissance and submission which China exacts from the ambassadar of a dependent and tributary kingdom. But leaving the Junks to depart home, I would fain crave permission to add a few interesting notes on the political intercourse of this people with China, and others connected with the subject. Like all Foreign Nations, the Loochoo people come under the same appelation of 夷(e)(meaning Barbarian in the sense used by the ancient Greeks) which the Chinese also apply to every foreign people - it being an equivocal expression, which may be made to convey a disparaging idea, it has been abolished at all our Consulates, and is not tolerated from the Mandarins. The Loochoo Consulate being the residence of the Tribute bearer, and of a Cashier relieved annually, is restricted to the suburbs, and on no account whatever are they permitted to dwell within the city-walls, and they are strictly forbidden to wander into the Interior. At one time an inferior officer was stationed at their residence to watch their movements; but the Loochooans never giving cause of complaint, he has been withdrawn. The King of Loochoo died two or three years ago, and the present possessor of the Throne, his son, being still a minor, he has not been inaugurated by the Emperor of China. I understand, however, that the young King having attained the age of seventeen, it has been fixed, with the Emperor's consent that this ceremony shall take place next year. An Imperial Commissioner of high rank will then be deputed to Loochoo with Imperial Document investing the youth with royal rank, together with presents of silk and satin in congratulation of the event. According to Custom, the Mandarin sent on this Mission will be nominated from the Province of Fuhkien. He will take his departure from this Port with two large war Junks and with an escort of 500 picked soldiers. It is calculated, what with presents to the Ambassadar and his escort, their maintenance and the cargo which the Loochooans are forced to purchase at heavy prices from the members of the Embassy, that it will cost Loochoo no less than Thirty thousand taels of Silver. Should the present Report I have the honor to submit contain perchance any inaccurate information, I pray Your Excellecy will indulgently consider the small dependence there is to be placed on Chinese communications, whilst I would apologize for the lengthy details and statements which may properly not appertain to a commercial Return. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Most Obedient humble Servant Chars. A. Sinclair Return of the Export Trade from China to Loochow in the Year 1851. Cargo purchased by the Brokers at Canton. 1ﾟ　　British manufacture: 　　　Average price 　　　Observations Broad cloth(plum colour)　　50 pieces　　$1.10 p. yard do. (green )　　30 〃 　$1.10 　〃 do. (black )　　50 〃 　$0.95 　〃 Longells (red ) 　400 〃 　 @ $0.95 p. piece do. (green ) 　200 〃 　$7.50 p. piece Camlets (red ) 　50 〃 　$25. p. piece do. (green ) 　40 〃 　$25. 　〃 do. (yellow ) 　10 〃 　$23. 　〃 do. (black ) 　30 〃 　$23. 　〃 Bombazettes 　100 〃 　$23. 　〃 White longcloths 　3000 〃 　$3.60 　〃 　each piece weighg. 6 catt. 12 m. Grey longcloths 　3000 〃 　$3.20 　〃 　each piece weighg. 6 catt. 12 m. Dyed cottons, red, 　1000 〃 　$5.20 　〃 do. , yellow, 　500 〃 　$4.- 　〃 Chintz 　600 〃 　$5.20 　〃 Cotton yarn 　30 Bales 　$40. p. bale 2ﾟ　　Produce of China: Rhinoceros horns, med. drug,　　6 piculs　　$9 @ $12 p. picul 　from 8 inchs. to 1 foot long without root Buffalos do , do , 　10 piculs　　$3. p. picul Ivory 　25 〃 $150. 　〃 weighg. 30 catties up to 100 each piece Harts horn , med. drug, 　20 pairs 　　$4 p. pair Caustic cuttings, do. 1000 cuttings $2.20 p. catty Put-chuck , do. 5000 catties $3.20 p. 100 catt. Tsang-muh , do. 8000 do. $-.10 p. catty. Ma-hwang , do. 3000 〃 $2.50 p. catty. Kan-sung , do. 10,000 〃 $10 p. 100 catts. Liquorice , do. 20,000 〃 $10 p. 100 catt. Rhubarb , do. 5000 〃 $7 p. 100 catts. China root , do. 40,000 〃 $1.60 p. 100 〃 Miscellaneous drug 6000 〃 total 750,000 cash Cloves 2000 〃 $14 p. 100 catt. Tortoise back, shell 50 〃 $8 p. catty. do feet, 〃 200 〃 $8 p. catty. do belly, 〃 200 〃 $2.50 〃 Vermillion 3000 〃 $1.20 〃 Quicksilver 3000 〃 $1.10 〃 Subborate of Soda 3000 〃 $68. p. 100 catts. used in medicine Snake Skins 10 skins 400 cash each Silk of the white worm 2 piculs $500. p. picul finest quality used for fine embroidery - is produced in the Tsingyuen dist. in Canton Province. . . H do 20 〃 $350. p. picul 〃 〃 Hainan Grasscloth 60 bolts $12. p. bolt is close to Canton 3ﾟ　　Foreign Imports: Foreign Ginseng 1st quality 1000 catties $800. p. 100 catt. do. 2nd quality 1000 〃 $500. 〃 Sapan wood 20000 〃 $2.20 @ $3. p. picul N. B. One of the ten Foochow Brokers, specially appointed for the Loochoo Trade, was deputed to Canton to purchase the above goods; they were chiefly carried overland from Canton to Chang chow foo, near Amoy−at the rate of 4000 cash each coolie, for a load averaging 90 to 100 catties. From Chang chow foo, these goods were sent to Foochow in Junks. The most bulky were brought up direct in Canton Junks. Cargo purchased by the Brokers at Soochow. 1ﾟ Crape, red and white, 400 pieces 480 cash p. Tael each piece weighg. 9 taels Silk piece goods 400 〃 480 〃 〃 〃 〃 8 @ 9 〃 Hangchow bombazette 20 〃 480 〃 〃 〃 〃 25 〃 White Lutestring(piece goods) 20 〃 320 〃 〃 〃 〃 5t. 6m. Velvet 300 catties $2.30 p. piece Silk piece goods and Satins for the King & Court for 20,000 dollars. Hangchow fans 10,000 fans 240 cash each Coarse fans 12,000 〃 50 cash each Red felt carpets 600 carpets $1 each manufactured at Soochow Porcelain tea caddies 1600 caddies 140 cash @ 200 each fabricated at E-hing in Kiang-nan Prov. Red dye 70,000 leaves $42. p. 10,000 leaves also a lip salve for the fair sex 2ﾟ　　British manufacture: Long cloths(white) 2500 leaves $3. p. piece N. B. The above cargo was purchased, partly at Soochow, partly at Shanghai, by one of the Loochoo-trade Brokers sent for the purpose. They were brought down in native Junks to Foochow. Cargo purchased at Foochowfoo. 1ﾟ　　British manufacture: White longcloths 4,500 pieces $3.10 @ $3.30 p.p. Longells(red) 120 〃 $8.40 p. piece N. B. In this quantity are included 2000 pieces bought by the Broker at Amoy on his way to Canton, 2000 pieces purchased from the native hongs here, payable in 2 months, and the rest of this cargo either bought from Mr. Compton's Hong, or from the Dealers in the City. 2ﾟ　　Produce of China: Fuh kien paper 400 bundles 1500 cash p. bund. Coarse do. 500 reams 250 cash p. ream Writing paper 400 bundles 1355 〃 p. bundle do do. 500 〃 1500 〃 〃 Color'd paper 10,000 sheets 50 cash each used chiefly for inscriptions and a momental writing Oil paper 3000 sheets 200 cash @ 300 p. sheet White sugar 10,000 catties 5600 cash p. 100 catt. White loaf-sugar 5000 〃 6800 〃 〃 Sugar candy 4000 〃 9600 〃 〃 Writing brushes 25000 brushes 16 cash up to 80 each made at Foochow Indian Ink 10,000 catties 480 cash p. catty Bamboo Comb 6000 combs 10 cash each Bamboo Chopsticks 20,000 pairs 16 cash p. pair Varnished trays &c. 4,600 pieces 70 〃 each Varnished wooden trunks 100 trunks 400 〃 〃 Coarse porcelain cups &c. 600 sets 70 cash p. set Porcelain flower vases 100 vases 800 〃 each N. B. These are manufactured at the District town of Tih-hwa in Fokien, distant about 8 days journey from Foochow. Pewter tea canisters 700 canisters 300 cash each Kittysols 6000 kittysols 200 〃 〃 Second hand clothes 100 garments total 451,000 cash Needles 60,000 needles 3000 cash per every 10,000 Candied Oranges 600 catties 8000 cash p. 100 catties Preserves and sweetmeats 1000 〃 9600 〃 〃 Small sized drums 100 drums 100 cash each Tea-black 20,000 catties 300 cash @ 960 p. catty tea-green 6000 〃 $9 p. 100 catts. Foochow grasscloth 2000 bolts $2.50 p. bolt Hemp 1400 catties 160 cash p. catty Cassia 20000 〃 $4.50 p. 100 catts. Red dye ? 20000 〃 $77. p. 100 catties ? a red flower Incense sticks 102 cases @ 6 cash a bundle each case contg. 500 bund. 3ﾟ Bird's nests 10 catties $40. p. catty Sugar and Drugs bought with the Funds sent by the King and Court amounting to $ 10,000. British Consulate Foochow, 18th June 1851 Chars. A. Sinclair 【9】　His Excellency John Bowring, LL.D. Her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary, &c., &c., &c. British Consulate Foochow, 14 July 1852. Sir, The Trade conducted between this Port and other places, to be classed as Foreign trade, is very insignificant and is confined to the Island of Lew Kew and Formosa. The Returns which I have the honor to inclose show its nature and value. A large portion of the Cargo with which the Lew Kew Tribute Junks are laden is for Japanese Account. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Most Obedient Humble Servant J. Walker, V. Consul in charge Inclosure 1 in Desp. No. 36 of 1852 Return of the Lew Kew Import Trade, for 1851-52 Denomination of Articles Value Native Vegitable Products 22500 [？？]洋燕 Yang Yen/Foreign swallows, probably [？？] Bird 　20400 Sharkfins　　　 8000 Biche de Mer(small & delicate) 13500 [？？] fish 9000 Biche de Mer 1200 魚燕絲 Yu Yen Sze - probably [？？] of 　　　　　400 [？？] old 9000 new 8200 Silver ingots 2000 [？？] cloth [？？] [？？] 700 [？？] fish [？？] ware Handkerchielf [？？] fish, salt Total value $ 94900 Return of the Lew Kew Export Trade, for 1851-52 Denomination of Articles Value Broad Cloth. red　　 2200? black 1000? Camlets. red 1500? black 600? green 1000? Lastings 1800? Longells red 2800? green 1400? Longcloths white 　 21600? grey 6000? Printed cottons 3000? Colored cottons 3000? Hainan grasscloth 1000? Grasscloth 6000? do. coarse 4000? Hemp　　 1000? Red carpeting 500? Material for twist 1000? Fishing line（白蟲絲） 1000? Tortoise shell 1000? Rhinoceros horns　 2000? Deer horns [？？] Ginseng(American) 1400? Drugs, foreign 1100? Rhubarb 500? Drugs 600? Vermillion 1000? Quicksilver 1000? [？？] 900? Dye 700? Dried Orange 212 do. 260 [？？] 160 Elephants Teeth 3200 Tea 3540 Bamboo Combs 62 [？？] 37 Flower Jars 31 Kittysols 93 Needles 28 [？？] Jars 　　 18 Pewter tea caddies 19 Incense 56 Paper 405 Oil paper 220 [？？] kinds　 290 Sugar 1145 Sugar candy 548 Fans　　 723 [？？] 185 Ink 185 Silk and Satins 20,000. Sugar & medicines 10,000. $ 123,172 Every other year two Junks of 7000 and 5000 piculs burthen arrive from Lew Kew with the Tribute Envoy and in the intermediate years one Junk of 7000 piculs is despatched to Foochow to receive the Emperor's gifts. The trade is carried on in these Junks. The foregoing Returns show the nature and value of the Commerce executed by means of the single Junk in the year 1851-2, and have been compiled from the broker's accounts; which differ considerably from the report made to the Customs. 【10】　His Excellency Sir S. G. Bonham, Bart K.C.B., &c., &c., &c. British Consulate Foochowfoo, Decr. 12 1853. Sir, 　 Adverting to Mr. Vice Consul Walker's letter No. 24 of 4th June 1853 and its enclosures, I have the honor to enclose translations of Proclamation and correspondence whereby Your Excellency will observe this institution of the Chinese Government to establish a general Hong, into which, all Teas brought to Foochow, are to be placed; native and foreign merchants being permitted to purchase therefrom only. I have been informed that an inhabitant of this city finding that Foreigners were procuring large quantities of Teas, petitioned the Authorities, for a license to establish a Hong, wherein all Teas, brought from the Tea districts, were to be placed; urging that as his forefathers had followed the calling of Tea merchants, he might likewise be allowed to farm this monopoly, and barking his request by a far more forcible appeal; viz by a coceur of 1500 dollars. I have further heard that a strong objection to this system has been presented to the authorities by numerous other merchants of the City, but actual evidence is wanting in both instances. Upon obtaining a copy of Proclamation marked Enclosure No. 1, Mr. V. Consul Walker, addressed letter(Enclosure No. 2) to the Superintendent of Foreign Trade at this Port, requiring the cause and motive of such an establishment, at so early a period of infantile trade, his intention being to temporise, until he could fully ascertain the views of the local government. The reply thereto, marked Enclosure No. 3, is cautiously worded and assures that no obstruction or hindrance will be thrown thereby in the way of foreign intercourse. The Hong is already opened and I hear that it contains a few chests of Tea. It appears highly desirable, that at the present time, no impediment that can possibly be obviated, should be allowed to operate prejudicially to the mercantile interests of this Port; and the establishment of such a monopoly, when in operation, must, by its restrictions on the native dealers, materially affect Foreign negotiations. In my reply(marked Enclosure No. 4) I have merely drawn attention of the Prefect to the 5 Article of the Treaty; and shall await Your Excellency's instructions before any further steps are taken unless circumstances should arise calling for my interposition. As this subject has obtained the Imperial sanction and any remonstrance from this Consulate is in consequence thereof rendered less effectual, might I suggest that Your Excellency, if pleased to coincide with my views, address the Imperial Commissioner of Canton against such an inovation[sic] and restriction. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Most Obedient Humble Servant W. Raymond Gingell 【11】　His Excellency Sir S. G. Bonham, Bart, K.C.B. &c., &c., &c. British Consulate Foochow, 10 Jany. 1854. Sir, …… 　　It may be perhaps interesting to Your Excellency to learn of the Loochoo Tribute Junks. Three arrived this year: and the day after entering the Mouth of the river they were captured by Pirates. Two of the Vessels were entirely plundered of the Tribute and Cargo. The other was given back to the discomfited Loochooans. Hearing of this the Viceroy immediately ordered the [？？] of the Marine Magistrate of Foochow for allowing such a transaction within the limits of his jurisdiction but upon the intervention of the Treasurer and other high Officers His Excellency was induced to allow the capture to be reported as having taken place the day previous to their entering the Mouth of the river thus making it appear that the robbing took place at open sea. By law China agrees in the event of these Tribute Junks being plundered to make good the amount of Cargo &c. twofold. Sixty thousand Taels is said to be the amount lost in this instance the Chinese Government has therefore to return 120,000 Taels. The matter has caused great excitement and there is some hesitation as to how the matter is to be brought before His Imperial Majesty. …… I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Most Obedient Humble Servant W. Raymond Gingell X　清末福州資料 【1】　再、粤省洋商、近多疲乏、所有酬給英夷洋銀六百萬圓、勢不能不藉資商力、即不得不俯察商情。現既擬請於福建之廈門・福州酌准英夷前往貿易、如蒙恩允、則既經通商、即當照例征税。査該省向設有L4海關、歸福州將軍管理、所有廈門・福州等處商税、均以就此經征。該處向有琉球國夷人在彼貿易、歴久恭順、其一切應征税課、自有舊章、無庸更議外、所有新添英吉利國夷商、自應1O照粤海關之例、酌定課額、且恐該省關務、相沿已久、或有書吏包辧等弊。應如何酌加整頓、并募設洋商責令妥爲承辧之處、統俟夷務稍定、再行酌議具奏。庶使上足以充國課、而酬給英夷銀款、亦可量爲分攤、則BH彼注茲、將不特并行不悖、且可爲粤東之助。…… 道光二十年十二月十四日、奉R1批、不値寓目。欽此。 【2】　至福州貿易一節、……據D8哩遜等聲稱、廈門相距福州尚有數百里、海路可通、伊等販買茶葉、以福州爲最便、務求准予通商、等語。 【3】　至福州乃武彝茶聚集之所、又設有海關、販貨納税最便。且其地舊有琉球館、渠等事同一例、是以吁請施恩。 【4】　再、道光二十二年議撫之時、許給該夷馬頭五處、除廣州之外、惟福州一口地居省城、彼時我皇上原未允准、因該夷執意要求、耆英等不得已仍行許給。臣等稔知其事、深悉耆英等之出於無可如何。適前歳臣劉韻〓到任後、細察福州地勢、雖屬省會、而民物之殷阜、不但不如上海・寧波、并亦不如廈門。且民間交易、皆用錢票、并無現銀、即逆料該夷到此、即使開市、其貿易亦必不豐旺。惟茶葉一項、産於建寧府屬之崇安等縣、爲外夷必需之物、向來L4茶販至粤省售銷、其價甚貴。即販往寧波・上海・廈門等處、雖較粤省稍廉、而與福州茶價、互相比〓、則福州更屬輕減、該夷於中國各處、道里之遠近、物價之低昂、無不深悉。其前在江南、堅求此口、未必非專爲收買茶葉起見、若先將此物阻令來省、則該夷之貪謀已折。再別項貿易設法禁阻、俾令無一可圖、則福州一口雖有如無、該夷不能開市、其勢自難久住、庶上可以副聖意、下足以靖海疆。上年二月間、李太郭未到之前、即與臣劉鴻〓奏明、在茶商應行經由及可以繞越各處、節節設〓稽査［R1批：所見所辧倶好、切不可令該夷知覺、是爲至要］。使内地販茶之人、先多阻礙、則人情不以爲便、必仍販往粤東等省行銷、不復來福。及五月間、李太郭到後、復督同藩司密派文武員弁、分赴各處査訪、不准稍有偸漏。一面又委熟悉情形之員、向省城内外之巨商大賈、密加曉諭、以夷人在省會通商、非有益於地方之事、總宜令其廢然而返、方爲長策。勸令各該商等勿得即與互市、俾免該夷在此勾留。各該商亦尚知輕重、均稱不願與該夷交易、故以後李太郭屡將所帶作樣之洋布等物、給人査看、欲圖銷賣、民間絶無顧問之人。李太郭見情形如此、從不言及開市。旋有米利堅貨船一隻進口、停泊月餘、願將各貨減價出售、商民仍無人往向置買。船内夷商、因盤費W2盡、不能出口、向海關委員等吁求設法銷變、俾令他往。臣等査係實情、諭令各店舗、向該船得有資斧、即行出口、其臨去之時、有此後斷不再來之語。此後李太郭意更索然、將通商一事、置之度外。…… 至各國貨船、自米船去後、杳無續來。至本年二月、始有英商貨船一隻駛抵五虎門口外、夷商駕杉板船進省、與李太郭相商。李太郭以此地難以銷貨向覆、該商停歇三四日、即至口外、將貨船開去。臣等揆度夷情、彼於此口之不能開市、業已深曉。 【5】　兼署福建撫院王（王懿徳）爲詳請咨明事。 　據布政使慶端呈詳、案於咸豐三年八月初九日、奉准戸部咨、福建司案呈、本部議覆兼署L4浙總督・福建巡撫王奏L4茶市届期、現因道路梗塞、商販不前、請暫由海運一摺、咸豐三年六月初一日具奏。本日奉旨、議〔→依〕議、欽此。相應抄録原奏、行文L4浙總督、轉飭遵照、可也。計黏内開、戸部謹奏、爲遵旨依奏事。内閣抄出兼署L4浙總督・福建巡撫王奏……一摺、咸豐三年五月十四日、奉R1批、該部具奏、欽此。欽遵抄出到部。據該署督原奏内稱、L4省上游各縣、均係産茶之區、而崇安爲最。別縣所産之茶、無不運集崇安出售。本年茶市届期、現因粤匪竄擾、道路梗塞、各處茶販、裹足不前、以致種茶各戸、慮及難銷、均不雇工采摘。而頼茶市糊口之農民、雇趁無從、深恐流爲匪類、必須妥爲辧理。議請飭令各行棧、招接商茶〔→茶商〕、暫由海運、前赴上游産茶之崇安等縣・運茶之省城南臺投行、聽夷商收買、仍赴福防同知衙門換照、L4海關按則納税、由海運赴廣東・寧波・上海及天津等處、轉販西口各路、則銷路暢而生業安、工作人夫亦不致於滋事、一俟逆匪蕩平、道路疏通、仍即停止、等語。……該署督所奏、係爲暫時變通起見、自應姑如所請、一俟道路疏通、即行奏明停止、以符定制。……、等因、咨院行司、奉此。遵査此案、……經詳奉批、准通飭遵照、一面飭催福防同知類浩・……、籌議各章程。 　折開、一、開設茶行、招接茶商、以免散漫也。査、茶葉暫弛海禁、由南臺販運出口、如不設立專行、則客販無可投止、必致私相授受、散漫無稽、偸漏夾帶、弊不勝言。業經前廳出示、招充茶行。業據商民鄭恒升呈請給帖開設、由縣訊取供結詳充。應責成該茶行專司招接上游及海運華夷客販、并收頓茶葉箱簍、公平估議價値、代客買賣、請照報税、不准高擡抑勒、把持壟斷。如査有舞弊捏報及挾同漏税情事、一經發覺、所有本行及具結各行、一體嚴辧、以專責成。…… 　一、應設茶保、經理攬載、以杜夾帶而衛商資也。査、茶葉准由海運前赴廣東・寧波・上海・天津各省售賣、事屬創始、客販人地生疏、雇船攬載、無可取信、易啓U3騙。即販戸人雜〔處〕五方、難保無射利之徒、代夷包買、避重就輕、希圖短税。……若不專設茶保、則流弊何可勝言。是以經前廳招充、業據民人黄信美等僉舉劉信泰承充、移縣訊取供結詳充、在案。應責成該茶保專司擔保載茶船戸是否誠實、及運茶客販有無夾帶朦混情弊、不准盤據勒〓。如査有通同舞弊、或船戸偸漏、客販影射、以多報少、捏夷報華、以及并不遵照定地往售、一經覺察、則惟該保是問、輕則倍罰、重則査究。 　一、應分別給照、以別華夷而免淆混也。……奉奏開海禁、分別華夷完納關税、由廳給照、聽其運往各處售賣。是給照一層、奸商代夷收買、捏報華税情弊。…… 　一、應照會夷酋、循照通商章程、赴L4買茶、以廣銷路也。査、夷茶向由廣東・上海各口采買、赴海關報納夷税出洋。……茲蒙奏請、暫開海禁、准由L4省南臺・五虎門出口、運赴各省銷售、并准各國夷商就南臺總行收買、該夷自必樂從。……應請申明通商定章、嗣後如各國夷商赴L4買茶、只准由五虎門進口、令通事帶赴南臺總行、公平議價收買、現銀交易、不准〓欠、亦不准華夷高擡抑勒。一俟收買足數、由總行査明茶色斤重、報明福防廳、立即換給驗單、令赴L4安關、査驗征税、核給税單、駕運出口、經過L4安・五虎各口、照驗放行。…… 　至奉部議、行令各商收買茶葉若干、赴何處銷售、均於照内登載明白、俾經過關津、便於査驗。仍不准夾帶違禁貨物、以杜偸漏、并將收過夷税及各商税若干、隨時報部、并査明就地征收起運茶税・并海運應納税課、各歸各案、分晰報部、毋任牽混、等因。伏査前議、由産茶各縣征收商販起運茶税、核給運茶印照、原令將商販收買茶數及運銷處所、於照内分晰登載、續請暫開海禁、招商販茶、赴省投行出售外販。其在産茶地方、收買茶葉運省、亦經飭令該縣仍照前章征收起運茶税、核給縣照、將所買茶數及運省投行出售之處、於照内登載、到省之後、將照Y2銷。俟各商販赴省行收買、轉販出口、則由福防廳分別査驗給照、將所買茶數及由海轉運行銷省分地方、於廳照内分晰登注。所有各縣征收起運茶税銀兩、本係飭令俟茶市畢後、按數報解。即現在議歸福防廳征收、運省投行出售、由海運銷之茶葉落地小税、亦已奉批飭、4F行專款、毎月一報一解、不得統入年額關税造報、以杜淆混。今自應俟征收報解如得成數、隨時詳咨報部。惟L4海關征收華・夷商販茶税、係將軍管理、應請一并移咨將軍衙門、分別剔清、報部辧理。 出典・註記一覧 頻出する文献名で冗長にわたるものは、以下のような略称を用いた。 『寳案』：『歴代寳案』 臺灣大學本：『歴代寳案』、臺灣大學印行、1972年、全15冊。 校訂本第1冊：沖縄県立図書館編、和田久徳校訂『歴代宝案』、沖縄県教育委員会、1992年、第1冊。 校訂本第2冊：沖縄県立図書館編、和田久徳校訂『歴代宝案』、沖縄県教育委員会、1992年、第2冊。 校訂本第4冊：沖縄県立図書館編、神田信夫校訂『歴代宝案』、沖縄県教育委員会、1993年、第4冊。 『那覇市史』：『那覇市史』資料篇第1巻4、歴代宝案第1集抄、那覇市役所、1986年。 IUPBPP：Irish University Press, Area Studies Series, British Parliamentary Papers, China, 42vols, Shannon, 1972. FO228：Great Britain, Foreign Office, Embassy and Consular Archives, Correspondence, Series I, 1834-1922. T　明代資料 【1】　『明太祖實録』巻50、洪武3年3月の条。 【2】　同上、巻90、洪武7年6月乙未朔の条。 【3】　鄭若曾『籌海圖編』巻12、開互市。 この文章は、王圻『續文獻通考』巻31、市糴考、市舶互市、の条にも引用。 (1)　「在廣東〜〜互市」の部分は、『鄭開陽雜著』巻4、頁51、に「在廣東者、專爲占城・暹羅諸番、在福建者、專爲琉球、在浙江者、專爲日本而設。日本入貢而來也、許帶方物、官設牙行、與民貿易、謂之互市」とあるに基づく。 【4】　鄭曉『吾學編』「皇明四夷考」巻上、日本の条、頁38〜39。 【5】　『明史』巻81、食貨5、市舶。 【6】　『明世宗實録』巻33、嘉靖2年11月癸巳の条。 【7】　前掲『籌海圖編』巻12、開互市。 (1)　「初設〜〜奸商也」の部分は、ほぼ【4】の引用。 【8】　鄭舜功『日本一鑑』、窮河話海巻6、海市。 【9】　周玄CP『〓林續記』。 【10】　張燮『東西洋考』巻7、餉税考。 【11】　同上、巻8、税GE考。 【12】　『籌海圖編』巻11、叙寇原。 【13】　『皇明經世文編』巻270、唐樞「覆胡梅林論處王直」。 【14】　『皇朝經世文編』巻83、兵政、海防上、姜宸英「日本貢市入寇始末擬稿」。 (1)　「禍起〜〜市舶」の部分は、ほぼ【7】の引用。 (2)　「而不知〜〜非市舶也」の部分も、ほぼ【7】の引用。 (3)　「浙江市舶〜〜明矣」の部分は、ほぼ【3】の引用。 (4)　「夫貢者〜〜得而開哉」の部分も、ほぼ【3】の引用。 Uｰ１　明末琉球資料 【1】　『寳案』第1集巻8、臺灣大學本第1冊、265〜266頁、校訂本第1冊、236〜237頁。『那覇市史』、265〜267頁。 【2】　『寳案』第1集巻9、臺灣大學本第1冊、300〜302頁、校訂本第1冊、272〜273頁。『那覇市史』、395〜397頁。 【3】　『寳案』第1集巻20、臺灣大學本第1冊、655〜656頁、校訂本第1冊、657〜658頁。『那覇市史』、404〜405頁。 【4】　『寳案』第1集巻9、臺灣大學本第1冊、307〜309頁、校訂本第1冊、279〜281頁。『那覇市史』、413〜415頁。 【5】　『寳案』第1集巻9、臺灣大學本第1冊、309〜313頁、校訂本第1冊、281〜285頁。『那覇市史』、416〜420頁。 (1)　「准禮部咨〜〜以昭恭順」の部分は、【4】の引用。 【6】　『寳案』第1集巻13、臺灣大學本第1冊、439〜440頁、校訂本第1冊、441〜442頁。『那覇市史』、421〜423頁。 同内容の福建等處承宣布政使司あての咨文が、『寳案』第1集巻20、臺灣大學本第1冊、663〜664頁、校訂本第1冊、665〜666頁、に収められる。 【7】　『寳案』第1集巻20、臺灣大學本第1冊、666〜668頁。校訂本第1冊、667〜670頁。 【8】　『寳案』第1集巻20、臺灣大學本第1冊、669〜671頁、校訂本第1冊、671〜673頁。『那覇市史』、431〜434頁。 【9】　『寳案』第1集巻9、臺灣大學本第1冊、314頁、校訂本第1冊、286頁。『那覇市史』、437〜438頁。 (1)　「福建・廣東〜〜曲循題請」の部分は、【6】で言及した『寳案』第1集巻20、臺灣大學本第1冊、663〜664頁、校訂本第1冊、665〜666頁、の福建等處承宣布政使司あての咨文からの引用、内容はほぼ【6】に同じ。 【10】　『寳案』第1集巻4、臺灣大學本第1冊、155〜156頁、校訂本第1冊、151〜152頁。『那覇市史』、439〜440頁。 【11】　『寳案』第1集巻20、臺灣大學本第1冊、676〜677頁、校訂本第1冊、678頁。『那覇市史』、442〜443頁。 【12】　『寳案』第1集巻13、臺灣大學本第1冊、445〜446頁。校訂本第1冊、447〜448頁。 同内容の福建等處承宣布政使司あての咨文が、『寳案』第1集巻20、臺灣大學本第1冊、685〜686頁、校訂本第1冊、687〜688頁、『那覇市史』、448〜449頁、に収録。 【13】　『寳案』第1集巻36、臺灣大學本第2冊、1175〜1176頁、校訂本第2冊、437〜438頁。『那覇市史』、451〜453頁。 【14】　『寳案』第1集巻36、臺灣大學本第2冊、1177〜1178頁、校訂本第2冊、439〜440頁。『那覇市史』、453〜454頁。 【15】　『寳案』第1集巻37、臺灣大學本第2冊、1216〜1218頁、校訂本第2冊、478〜480頁。『那覇市史』、459〜462頁。 【16】　『寳案』第1集巻37、臺灣大學本第2冊、1229〜1231頁、校訂本第2冊、491〜493頁。『那覇市史』、469〜472頁。 Uｰ２　清初琉球資料 【17】　『寳案』第1集巻3、臺灣大學本第1冊、107頁。校訂本第1冊、103頁。 この文章は、『清世祖實録』巻30、2月癸未の条、にも収録。 【18】　『寳案』第1集巻14、臺灣大學本第1冊、452〜453頁、校訂本第1冊、454〜455頁。『那覇市史』、487〜489頁。 【19】　『寳案』第1集巻6、臺灣大學本第1冊、187〜189頁、校訂本第1冊、153〜154頁。『那覇市史』、492〜494頁。 【20】　『寳案』第1集巻14、臺灣大學本第1冊、464〜465頁、校訂本第1冊、466〜467頁。『那覇市史』、554〜555頁。 【21】　『寳案』第1集巻6、臺灣大學本第1冊、203〜204頁、校訂本第1冊、173〜174頁。『那覇市史』、562〜564頁。 【22】　『寳案』第1集巻6、臺灣大學本第1冊、202〜203頁、校訂本第1冊、171〜172頁。『那覇市史』、560〜561頁。 【23】　『寳案』第1集巻14、臺灣大學本第1冊、467〜468頁、校訂本第1冊、469〜470頁。『那覇市史』、566〜568頁。 【24】　『寳案』第1集巻6、臺灣大學本第1冊、207〜208頁、校訂本第1冊、176〜178頁。『那覇市史』、577〜579頁。 【25】　『寳案』第1集巻10、臺灣大學本第1冊、319、321〜322頁、校訂本第1冊、324〜325頁。『那覇市史』、587〜589頁。 【26】　『寳案』第1集巻7、臺灣大學本第1冊、227〜229頁、校訂本第1冊、197〜199頁。『那覇市史』、661〜665頁。 なおここに言及された問題は、他の関係史料にも記述があり、もっともよくまとまったものは、阮元等修・江藩等纂『廣東通志』、道光2年刊、巻180、經政略23、康煕24年の条、である。それを他の史料もあわせつつ掲げよう。 　〔康熈〕二十四年、戸部爲呈報事。近准禮部咨題、内開、査定例内、凡外國貢船不過三、等語。今奉旨、外國進貢船隻、所帶貨物、一概收税、於柔遠之意未符（この康熈帝の意向は、『清聖祖實録』巻120、康煕24年4月戊申の条、をみよ）、等因。應將外國進貢、定數船三隻内、船上所帶貨物、停其收税。其餘私來貿易者、准其貿易。貿易商人、部臣照例收税、等因、會議具題。奉旨、依議、欽此、欽遵箚行各海關監督、遵奉施行（この条は、『大清光緒會典事例』、巻510、頁17、に「外國貢船所帶貨物、停其收税。其餘私來貿易者、准其貿易。聽所差部員、照例收税。」とある）。［關册］ 　准議〔→議准〕。貿易番船回國、除一應禁物外、不許搭帶内地人口、及潜運造船大木・鉄釘・油5B等物、糧米止准酌帶口糧、不許多販。貿易畢回國、該督撫8O委賢能官員、嚴査禁止夾帶（この条は、『大清光緒會典事例』巻511、頁2、にある）［會典］ 　番船貿易完日、外國人員一併遣還、不得久留内地（この条は、『大清光緒會典事例』巻510、頁17、にある）。 　凡貢船回國、帶去貨物、免其收税（この条は、『大清光緒會典事例』巻510、頁17、にある）。 　議准。兵器向來禁止、不許賣給帶往、賣給外國。但商人來往大洋、若無防身軍器、恐致刧掠。嗣後内地貿易商民所帶火砲軍器等項、應照船隻大小・人數多寡、該督撫酌量定數、起程時、令海上收税官員、及防海口官員、査照數目、准其帶往。回時仍照原數査驗（この条は、『大清光緒會典事例』巻511、2〜3頁、にある）。 【27】　『寳案』第1集巻15、臺灣大學本第1冊、491〜493頁、校訂本第1冊、493〜495頁。『那覇市史』、674〜677頁。 【28】　『寳案』第1集巻7、臺灣大學本第1冊、233〜234頁、校訂本第1冊、203〜204頁。『那覇市史』、685〜688頁。 なおこの内容を簡略にしたものに、『清聖祖實録』巻142、康煕28年10月庚午の条、がある。 【29】　『寳案』第1集巻11、臺灣大學本第1冊、364〜371頁、校訂本第1冊、365〜371頁。『那覇市史』、688〜697頁。 (1)　「切、臣辟處海濱〜〜謹奏以聞」の部分は、【27】の引用。 V　清代琉球資料 【1】　『寳案』第2集巻24、臺灣大學本第4冊、2323〜2325頁。校訂本第4冊、351〜353頁。 【2】　『寳案』第2集巻24、臺灣大學本第4冊、2340〜2342頁。校訂本第4冊、368〜370頁。 (1)　「爲禀報事〜〜施行」の部分は、【1】の引用。 【3】　中國第一歴史档案館編『清代中琉關係档案選編』、中華書局、1993年、19頁。 この文章は、『明清史料』庚編第四本、336〜337頁、にも引用。 【4】　『寳案』第2集巻28、臺灣大學本第4冊、2498〜2499頁。校訂本第4冊、526〜527頁。 (1)　「切査〜〜施行」の部分は、【3】の引用。 【5】　『寳案』第2集巻29、臺灣大學本第4冊、2523〜2525頁。校訂本第4冊、551〜553頁。 (1)　「案照〜〜移知査照施行」の部分は、【4】の引用。 (2)　「嗣後〜〜施行」の部分は、【4】末尾の引用。 【6】　『寳案』第2集巻30、臺灣大學本第4冊、2531〜2535頁。校訂本第4冊、559〜563頁。 (1)　「應置買〜〜知照」の部分は、【3】末尾の「應買貨物〜〜査照」を簡略にしたもの。 【7】　『寳案』第2集巻30、臺灣大學本第4冊、2543〜2545頁。校訂本第4冊、571〜573頁。 (1)　「本年七月二十日〜〜移知施行」の部分は、【6】の引用。 【8】　前掲『清代中琉關係档案選編』、11頁。 【9】　前掲『清代中琉關係档案選編』、102〜103頁。 なおこの文書に附された「抄録琉球國原咨」（同上、103〜104頁）は、『寳案』第2集巻46、臺灣大學本第5冊、3049〜3050頁、および『明清史料』庚編第四本、350〜351頁、と同じ内容。 【10】　前掲『清代中琉關係档案選編』、175〜176頁。 W　英文資料 【1】　IUPBPP, Vol. 37, First Report from the Select Committee on the Affairs of the East India Company(China Trade), Ordered, by the House of Commons, to be printed, 8 July 1830, p. 300, John Crawford, March 25, 1830. 【2】　FO228/52, Alcock to Davis, No. 30, May 27, 1845. この文は、IUPBPP, Vol. 40, Returns of the Trade of the Various Ports of China, down to the latest period, 1847, p. 1(357).にも収録。 【3】　FO228/52, R. Alcock,“Report on the existing Trade at the Port of Foo-chow, and its capabilities as a place for European Commerce,”June 16, 1845, Encl. in Alcock to Davis, No. 37, June 16, 1845. この文書は、IUPBPP, Vol. 40, Returns of the Trade of the Various Ports of China, down to the latest period, 1847, pp. 2(358)〜9(365).にも収録。 【4】 FO228/62, R. Alcock,“Second Report on the Trade of Foo-chow foo,”Feb. 12, 1846, Encl. in Alcock to Davis, No. 7, Feb. 12, 1846. 【5】　FO228/62, H. S. Parkes,“Account of Native Trade of Fuhchow,”Encl. in Alcock to Davis, No. 7, Feb. 12, 1846. 【6】　FO228/114, Sinclair to Bonham, No. 63, Nov. 28, 1850. (1)　以下の朝貢品リストは、『寳案』第2集巻190、臺灣大學本第14冊、7830頁以下、にもくりかえし記述があるので、さしあたりそれを紹介しよう。 ……坐駕海船貳隻、分X6常貢、煎熟硫T1壹萬貳千陸百斤・紅銅參千斤・煉熟白剛錫壹千斤。並進皇帝陛下慶賀禮物、土産金鑵壹合、共重七拾陸兩、銀鑵壹合、共重陸拾兩、金鞄鞘腰刀貳把・銀鞄鞘腰刀貳把・精熟淡黄色土夏布伍拾疋・精熟土夏布伍拾疋・細嫩土蕉布壹百疋・金彩畫圍屏壹對・精製摺扇貳百把・圍屏紙伍千張・紅銅伍百斤・白剛錫伍百斤。進奉皇后殿下慶賀禮物、金粉匣壹合、共重八兩、銀粉匣壹合、共重七兩參錢、精熟淡黄色土夏布貳拾疋・精熟土夏布貳拾疋・細嫩土蕉布肆拾疋・精製摺扇八拾把。又進先皇之靈香燭祭品等物、共代儀白銀壹百兩。 以上は英文の記事とほとんど出入がない。なお“Chin-hio-hiai, Linguist-Supercargo from Loochoo”という人物は、おそらく同上、7836頁、に言及のある「琉球國進貢存留通事鄭學楷」のことであろう。 【7】 FO228/128, Sinclair to Bonham, No. 25, June 17, 1851. 【8】　FO228/128, Sinclair to Bonham, No. 26, June 18, 1851. 【9】　FO228/144, Walker to Bowring, No. 36, July 14, 1852. 【10】　FO228/159, Gingell to Bonham, No. 51, Dec. 12, 1853. 【11】　FO228/174, Gingell to Bonham, No. 5, Jan. 10, 1854. X　清末福州資料 【1】　中國第一歴史档案館編『鴉片戰爭档案史料』、全7冊、天津古籍出版社、1992年、第2冊、641頁、「欽差大臣8T善奏請廈門福州征收英商税課片」、道光20年11月26日。 この文書は、『籌辧夷務始末』道光朝、巻18、頁29、にも引用。 【2】　前掲『鴉片戰爭档案史料』第6冊、137頁、「欽差大臣耆英〔等〕奏報酌辧和議情形摺」、道光22年7月21日。 この文書は、『籌辧夷務始末』道光朝、巻59、頁33、にも引用。 【3】　前掲『鴉片戰爭档案史料』第6冊、158頁、「欽差大臣耆英等奏報和約已定MO用關防并將和約抄繕呈覧摺」、道光22年7月26日。 この文書は、『籌辧夷務始末』道光朝、巻59、頁40〜42、にも引用。 【4】　前掲『鴉片戰爭档案史料』第7冊、565〜566頁、「L4浙總督劉韻〓等奏爲密陳籌辧福州洋務實情并揣測英情片」、道光25年3月15日。 この文書はさきに、「第一次鴉片戰爭之後福州問題史料」『歴史档案』1990年第2期、45〜46頁、に紹介されたところである。 【5】　太平天國歴史博物館編『呉煦档案選編』第6輯、江蘇人民出版社、1983年、158〜165頁、「王懿徳爲L4茶海運出口收税章程咨蘇撫」、1854年4月。